One of the most famous scenes in all of movie history
is when Dorothy and her three companions stand before
the Wizard of Oz. As the travelers beg for help, the
gaseous phantasm explodes, "Silence! I know what you
want. I am Oz!" The four innocents are cowed into
submission.
It is Toto who saves the day, scampering across the
floor and pulling back the curtain. The "wizard"
lamely tries to salvage his scam, bellowing, "Pay no
attention to that man behind the curtain!" They do,
of course, and the fraud is exposed for what it is.
President Bush is playing "wizard" with the nation's
economy. He says he hopes the November election will
be about the economy but it is bluster, the economic
equivalent of "Mission Accomplished." What he really
doesn't want is for anybody to look behind the
curtain. For, when they do, they find enormous
problems lurking.
In five areas in particular - budget deficits, trade
deficits, unfunded liabilities, oil, and China - the president's policies have damaged the economy, in some cases grievously.
Unless they are reversed, the nation's economic future is in peril.
The first and most obvious problem is the federal
budget deficit. President Bush inherited a record
budget surplus from Bill Clinton but turned it
immediately into a deficit. In only five years, he
has added over $3 trillion to the national debt.
When Bush took office, the national debt, accumulated
since the founding of the nation, stood at $5.6
trillion. Today it approaches $9 trillion. By the
time Bush leaves office, it will exceed $11 trillion.
In only eight years, he will have created more debt
than all other U.S. presidents combined.
Any thug who extorts a $3 trillion loan from the next generation and spends it today can fake the illusion of prosperity, pretending
to be a "wizard," at least for a while. But what happens when the bills come due?
Our children will pay a very heavy price for Bush's
credit card-based wizard routine. To pay off Bush's
debts, they will have to take money out of their own
pockets. They will have to lower investment in their
own economy. Their standards of living - and those of
their children - will be irretrievably worse.
A similar but even greater problem lurks with the
trade deficit. In 2000, Clinton's last year in
office, the trade deficit stood at $377 billion. This
year, the number will exceed $800 billion, more than
double what is was only six years ago. And it is
still growing rapidly.
That is $800 billion more a year that the U.S. buys
from foreigners than it sells to them. To support
Bush's record budget and trade deficits, the U.S. must
borrow almost $3 billion every day, most of it from
foreigners. Indeed, president Bush has borrowed more
money from foreigners than all previous presidents
combined. Not since before the Civil War has the U.S.
been so dependent on financing from abroad.
But, foreigners don't loan such funds out of the
goodness of their hearts. They demand collateral in
the form of U.S. treasury bonds. These bonds, "backed
by the full faith and credit of the U.S. government,"
are effectively American money. Foreigners have begun
using this money to buy up the choicest of U.S.
assets.
The convenience store chain Seven-Eleven is now owned
by the Japanese. IBM's personal computer business is
owned by the Chinese. Zenith, an icon of American
electronics, is owned by the Koreans. Frigidaire is
owned by the Swedes.
Virtually the entire American movie industry -
Twentieth Century Fox, Universal Pictures, Columbia
Pictures, and MGM-is now owned by foreigners. RCA -
the Radio Corporation of America(!) - is owned by the
French. Bell Labs, the legacy of Alexander Graham
Bell, one of the true greats in the pantheon of
American innovation - is also now owned by the French.
Chrysler is owned by the Germans. TransAmerica(!)
Corporation, one of the largest insurance companies in
the world, is owned by the Dutch. Ralston Purina is
owned by the Swiss. Amoco - the American(!) Oil
Company - is owned by the British. The list goes on
and on and grows every day.
Americans must understand that this is how Bush's
mammoth debts get settled: with foreigners cashing in
their I.O.U.s in exchange for the most productive of
American assets. More than 20% of all "Amercian"
assets are now owned by foreigners, with the profits, technology, copyrights, patents, and high value jobs being sent out of the
country to build up other nations' economies.
American workers, meanwhile, are becoming
sharecroppers in their own country, a country that is
rapidly being denuded of its most productive assets.
And since this isn't the movies, there will be no nice
little man to bumble out from behind the curtain,
offer up his gee-shucks routine, and magically make
everything right.
Beyond the national debt and the trade deficit, are
the government's "unfunded liabilities," debts it has
committed to pay but for which there is no identified
source of funding. Most of these debts come from
Social Security and Medicare.
When Paul O'Neil took over as Bush's first Treasury
Secretary in 2001, he commissioned a study to find out
just how large these liabilities were. The answer:
$44 trillion. O'Neil was promptly fired, some believe
for even daring to raise the question.
More recently, economist Lawrence Kotlikoff, writing
for the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, cited a
figure of $65 trillion for these debts, an increase of
$21 trillion or almost 50% in only four years. Such a
sum simply defies comprehension, even imagination. It
exceeds the GDP of the entire planet. It is larger
than the net worth of all assets still owned by
Americans.
Kotlikoff, hardly a radical, goes so far as to suggest
that the U.S. is actuarially bankrupt, that the
obligations it has committed to pay exceed its
capacity to pay in any reasonable scenario. In other
words, these debts can never, will never, be paid.
The government will renege on its commitments to the
Baby Boomers and even more surely, on its obligations
to the Boomers' children. The damage to the
credibility of the U.S. government and to the nation's
social capital will be incalculable.
These problems of exploding debts - budget deficits,
trade deficits, and unfunded liabilities - lurk and
grow, like icebergs beneath the surface of a seemingly
calm economic sea. Indeed, they are what make the
short-term illusion of prosperity possible, as
borrowing always does.
But even more surely, they imperil the nation's
long-term economic health. That's why Bush never talks
about how the economy is made up to look good. He
only wants you to see what's in front of the curtain,
not what's behind it. There is exactly as much
wizardry in Bush's economic stewardship as there was
in the "Wizard's" magic. Which is to say, none. It
entirely a con game, a fraud perpetrated on the
credulity of trusting citizens.
Beyond debts, there's the even more serious problem of
oil. The U.S. became the world's leading economy
partly as a result of its mastery over oil. The
entire design of the U.S. economy - from the size of
its cars, the expanse of its highways, to the very
fact of suburbia - is an artifact of cheap, plentiful
oil. And for 100 years, it worked.
But oil is a once-in-the-history-of-the-planet
endowment. As it runs out, the U.S. is strapped with
the most energy in-efficient economy in the world.
Its economic vitality goes down in precise measure of
the extent to which the price of oil goes up. Look,
for example, at the plight of the automobile industry,
once the flagship of U.S. economic might.
Ford just announced a staggering $5.8 billion loss for
the third quarter. It has given severance packages to
45,000 workers. General Motors is closing 15 plants
and publicly denies it is considering bankruptcy, even
as it discusses merger plans with Nissan and Renault.
Delphi Automotive, the largest auto parts manufacturer
in the world, is already in bankruptcy and forcing 60%
pay cuts on its workers.
Bush's wars in the Middle East have raised oil prices
to four times what they were when he took office,
instantly rendering obsolete a vast portion of the
nation's capital stock. You might expect that if the
nation's foreign policy was going to raise the price
of oil that much, its domestic policies might at least
mitigate some of the damaging impacts on the economic
system. They do not.
If the U.S. is to ever to pay off even some of the
debts mentioned above and revive its economic might,
it needs to quickly, radically redesign its economic infrastructure so that it can compete with the economies of Europe and Asia
that never had any oil and that, as a result, are so much more energy efficient. But we're not doing that.
Under Bush, with real median incomes declining, the
nation's savings rate has fallen below zero, the first
time since the Great Depression. This means that
there is no capital to carry out such a retrofit, even
if the vision, desire, and leadership were there.
What capital does come into the country from abroad,
to fund Bush's debts, is immediately sluiced away into
tax cuts for millionaires, interest payments on the
debt, and spending on the military.
Fifty-two percent of Bush's $1.6 trillion tax cuts
went to the top 1% of income earners, Bush's "base" as
he calls them. Presumably they need the money to keep
funding Republican election campaigns. Interest
payments on the debt approach $400 billion a year,
much of that going out of the country. And the
military consumes well over half a trillion dollars a
year, more than all the rest of the world combined.
None of that money does anything to rebuild the
nation's aging infrastructure or make the economy more competitive. Rather, it does the exact opposite. It steals capital from
energy reconfiguration, raises interest rates making new investments less profitable, and consigns the economy to an irreversible
downward spiral of inefficiency, uncompetitiveness, and certain obsolescence.
Finally, there is the problem of China. The U.S. won
the Cold War against communism but is rapidly losing
the "Cold Peace." When China entered the global
market system it brought 1.3 billion people with it.
Chinese workers earn an average of $.57 per hour, low
enough to make it profitable for American companies to
move all of their production jobs to China. That's
where 3 million manufacturing jobs, all lost under
Bush, went and they are not coming back. Unless
Americans are willing to work for Chinese wages.
Alan Blinder, a Princeton economist and former Vice
Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, has estimated
that as many as 56 million American jobs might be
susceptible to such outsourcing. As with Bush's
debts, such numbers simply defy imagination.
Fifty-six million is over 40% of all the jobs in the
U.S. economy, and the best jobs at that. It would
represent 10 times more unemployment than currently
exists, half again as much unemployment as was reached
during the deepest depths of the Great Depression. It
would amount to the evisceration of American workers
and the complete destruction of American living
standards.
But Bush's economic policies only accelerate this
trend. His massive debts have required the Federal
Reserve Board to raise interest rates 17 times since
2004 in order to attract the capital needed to fund
the debts. But the high interest rates keep the value
of the dollar high, especially compared to the Chinese
yuan. This makes Chinese products and Chinese workers
all the cheaper when compared with American
alternatives.
The Chinese, meanwhile, laugh in Bush's face every
time he sends a treasury secretary to Beijing to try
to negotiate a stronger yuan. The Chinese, who save
40% of their GDP, loan the U.S. over $200 billion a
year, $200 billion that is promptly recycled into
purchases of Chinese products and that keeps Chinese
factories humming.
And don't forget, after the money is spent, they still
have that I.O. U., that claim on $200 billion of
American assets. Every year. Why would they change?
Their economy booms while ours is bled. Their stock
of productive assets grows while ours is depleted.
But you can't blame the Chinese. They are simply
making the best of a good situation. It is the U.S.'s insatiable demand for debt, led by Bush's budget deficits, that causes it to
so foolishly, shortsightedly surrender its economic sovereignty. It is the creditor, not the debtor, who calls the tune.
The U.S. is the debtor and until that changes, it has
no leverage over China, even as its own economy is
being wrecked.
American prosperity is owed not only to a brilliant
design for a government and generations of hard work,
but also to an amazing run of good luck. We inherited
an entire continent of virgin land - an inconceivable
bonanza - at precisely the moment that the industrial revolution made it possible to exploit such expanses.
Then, in World War I, Europe, our only economic
competitor, blew its brains out and repeated the act
20 years later, with the Japanese joining in. That
left the U.S. astride the globe with the only intact
economy on earth. We were generating 62% of the
entire planet's GDP. And we have riden that horse
ever since.
But the measure of leadership is not how well it leads
when times are good. It is how it leads through
adversity, when times are bad. That is why we revere
Washington, Lincoln and Roosevelt as we do. Today
America faces some of the biggest economic challenges
it has ever faced and the benign wind of serendipity
is no longer at our backs.
Budget deficits. Trade deficits. Unfunded
liabilities. Oil. And China. In all of these
arenas, Bush's leadership has failed, badly, even catastrophically. His policies make each of these problems dramatically worse.
They effectively amount to an abandonment of the U.S. economy and a milking of its assets and wealth into the hands of a very small
group of the world's richest people. Like the Bush family.
His shtick about pretending the economy is good is
nothing so much as bluster, like the gaseous effusions
of the "wizard" in the movie. There is no substance
and no reality behind it. It is a con game for the
credulous. His real adjuration is to pay no attention
to the problems behind the curtain. But draw it back
we must, just as we drew it back on his lies
concerning Iraq.
Bush's failed Iraq War will end soon, though its
odious legacy will linger. But the harm wrought by
Bush's failed and self-serving economic policies will
plague the country for decades. If they are not
reversed, and soon, they will inflict grave,
irreparable damage on the U.S. economy.
Unfortunately, there are no ruby slippers to send us
back home. There is no dream to wake up from. No
Aunty Em waiting. This isn't the movies. It's
reality. We're not in Kansas any more, Toto.
Robert Freeman writes on economics, history and
education.
He can reached at robertfreeman10@yahoo.com.
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