Julia Preston, a New York Times reporter writing from Washington, D.C.,
describes pears rotting on trees in Lake County, Calif., owing to a lack of
farmworkers to pick them. Growers tell her 70,000 of the state's 450,000
farmworkers are missing. America's newspaper of record is being spun by
agribusiness, which wants a new bracero program, and complains of a labor
shortage to get it.
Two weeks ago, in the olive groves of neighboring Tehama County, I saw
hardly any fruit on the trees. Rain and cold weather this spring hurt the crop,
and workers were leaving to find work elsewhere.
There are always local variations in crops, and the number of workers
needed to pick them. But the Times is painting a false picture. I've spent
eight months traveling through California valleys and I have yet to see rotting
fruit. I have seen some pretty miserable living and working conditions for
Californians need a reality check about farm labor.
Today, more and more agricultural workers migrate from small towns in
southern Mexico and even Central America. In the grape rows and citrus
orchards, you're as likely to hear Mixtec or Purepecha or Triqui --
indigenous languages that predate Columbus -- as you are to hear Spanish.
They are making California a richer place, in wealth and culture. For
those who love spicy mole sauce, that's reason to celebrate. The Guelagetza
festival showcases Oaxacan dances in Fresno, Santa Maria and San Diego.
Families of Triqui weavers create brilliant rebozos (shawls), in the off-season
winter months when there is not much work in the fields.
But the wages these families earn are barely enough to survive. As Abraham
Lincoln said, "labor creates all wealth," but farmworkers get precious little
of it. Twenty-five years ago, at the height of the influence of the United Farm
Workers, union contracts guaranteed almost twice the minimum wage of the time.
Today, the hourly wage in almost every farm job is the minimum wage -- $6.75
an hour. And taking inflation into account, the minimum wage is lower today
than it was then.
Farmworkers are worse off than they've been for over two decades, while
the supermarket price of fruit has more than doubled.
Low wages have a human cost.
In housing, it means that families live in cramped trailers, or packed
like sardines in apartments and garages, with many people sleeping in a single
room. Indigenous workers have worse conditions than most, along with workers
who travel with the crops. Migrants often live in cars, sometimes even sleeping
in the fields or under the trees. Their income is too low to rent anything
Housing is in crisis in rural California. Over the last half-century,
growers demolished the old labor camps for migrant workers. They were never
great places to live, but having no place is worse.
I've seen children working in fields in northern Mexico, but this year I
saw them working here too. When families bring their kids to work, it's not
because they don't value their education or future. It's because they can't
make ends meet with the labor of adults alone.
What would make a difference?
Unions would. The UFW pushed wages up decades ago, getting the best
standard of living California farmworkers ever received. But growers have been
implacably hostile to union organizing. For undocumented workers, joining a
union or demanding rights can mean risking not just firing, but deportation.
Enforcing the law would better workers' lives, too. California Rural Legal
Assistance does a heroic job inspecting field conditions and helping workers
understand their rights. But that's an uphill struggle. Many workers still get
paid less than the minimum wage, some are poisoned with pesticides or work in
Giving workers real legal status -- a green card or a permanent
residence visa -- would help them organize without risking deportation.
Immigrant families need equality, stability and recognition of their important
contribution to our economy.
But growers don't want to raise wages to attract labor. Instead, they want
to recruit workers outside the country on temporary visas, not permanent ones
-- a steady supply of people who can work, but can't stay. This is a repeat of
the old, failed bracero program of the 1940s and '50s.
With a temporary labor program, farm wages will not rise. Instead,
farmworkers will subsidize agribusiness with low wages, in the name of keeping
California agriculture "competitive." Strikes and unions that raise family
income will be regarded as a threat.
We've seen this before. During the bracero program, when resident workers
struck, growers brought in braceros. If the braceros struck, they were
deported. That's why Cesar Chavez, Ernesto Galarza and Bert Corona finally
convinced Congress to end the program in 1964. The UFW's first grape strike
began the year after the bracero law was repealed.
Giving employers a bracero program is a failed idea, one we shouldn't
repeat. Farm labor that can support families is better.
David Bacon, a photographer and reporter who specializes in labor issues, is author of "Communities Without Borders," (Cornell University Press, 2006).
©2006 San Francisco Chronicle