Representatives of the governments of
the world, good morning to all of you. First of all, I would
like to invite you, very respectfully, to those who have not
read this book, to read it.
Noam Chomsky, one of the most
prestigious American and world intellectuals, Noam Chomsky, and
this is one of his most recent books, 'Hegemony
or Survival: The Imperialist Strategy of the United States.'"
[Holds up book, waves it in front of General Assembly.] "It's
an excellent book to help us understand what has been happening
in the world throughout the 20th century, and what's happening
now, and the greatest threat looming over our planet.
The hegemonic pretensions of
the American empire are placing at risk the very survival of
the human species. We continue to warn you about this danger
and we appeal to the people of the United States and the world
to halt this threat, which is like a sword hanging over our heads.
I had considered reading from this book, but, for the sake of
time," [flips through the pages, which are numerous] "I
will just leave it as a recommendation.
It reads easily, it is a very
good book, I'm sure Madame [President] you are familiar with
it. It appears in English, in Russian, in Arabic, in German.
I think that the first people who should read this book are our
brothers and sisters in the United States, because their threat
is right in their own house.
The devil is right at home.
The devil, the devil himself, is right in the house.
"And the devil came here
yesterday. Yesterday the devil came here. Right here." [crosses
himself] "And it smells of sulfur still today.
Yesterday, ladies and gentlemen,
from this rostrum, the president of the United States, the gentleman
to whom I refer as the devil, came here, talking as if he owned
the world. Truly. As the owner of the world.
I think we could call a psychiatrist
to analyze yesterday's statement made by the president of the
United States. As the spokesman of imperialism, he came to share
his nostrums, to try to preserve the current pattern of domination,
exploitation and pillage of the peoples of the world.
An Alfred Hitchcock movie could
use it as a scenario. I would even propose a title: "The
Devil's Recipe."
As Chomsky says here, clearly
and in depth, the American empire is doing all it can to consolidate
its system of domination. And we cannot allow them to do that.
We cannot allow world dictatorship to be consolidated.
The world parent's statement
-- cynical, hypocritical, full of this imperial hypocrisy from
the need they have to control everything.
They say they want to impose
a democratic model. But that's their democratic model. It's the
false democracy of elites, and, I would say, a very original
democracy that's imposed by weapons and bombs and firing weapons.
What a strange democracy. Aristotle
might not recognize it or others who are at the root of democracy.
What type of democracy do you
impose with marines and bombs?
The president of the United
States, yesterday, said to us, right here, in this room, and
I'm quoting, "Anywhere you look, you hear extremists telling
you can escape from poverty and recover your dignity through
violence, terror and martyrdom."
Wherever he looks, he sees
extremists. And you, my brother -- he looks at your color, and
he says, oh, there's an extremist. Evo Morales, the worthy president
of Bolivia, looks like an extremist to him.
The imperialists see extremists
everywhere. It's not that we are extremists. It's that the world
is waking up. It's waking up all over. And people are standing
up.
I have the feeling, dear world
dictator, that you are going to live the rest of your days as
a nightmare because the rest of us are standing up, all those
who are rising up against American imperialism, who are shouting
for equality, for respect, for the sovereignty of nations.
Yes, you can call us extremists,
but we are rising up against the empire, against the model of
domination.
The president then -- and this
he said himself, he said: "I have come to speak directly
to the populations in the Middle East, to tell them that my country
wants peace."
That's true. If we walk in
the streets of the Bronx, if we walk around New York, Washington,
San Diego, in any city, San Antonio, San Francisco, and we ask
individuals, the citizens of the United States, what does this
country want? Does it want peace? They'll say yes.
But the government doesn't
want peace. The government of the United States doesn't want
peace. It wants to exploit its system of exploitation, of pillage,
of hegemony through war.
It wants peace. But what's
happening in Iraq? What happened in Lebanon? In Palestine? What's
happening? What's happened over the last 100 years in Latin America
and in the world? And now threatening Venezuela -- new threats
against Venezuela, against Iran?
He spoke to the people of Lebanon.
Many of you, he said, have seen how your homes and communities
were caught in the crossfire. How cynical can you get? What a
capacity to lie shamefacedly. The bombs in Beirut with millimetric
precision?
This is crossfire? He's thinking
of a western, when people would shoot from the hip and somebody
would be caught in the crossfire.
This is imperialist, fascist,
assassin, genocidal, the empire and Israel firing on the people
of Palestine and Lebanon. That is what happened. And now we hear,
"We're suffering because we see homes destroyed.'
The president of the United
States came to talk to the peoples -- to the peoples of the world.
He came to say -- I brought some documents with me, because this
morning I was reading some statements, and I see that he talked
to the people of Afghanistan, the people of Lebanon, the people
of Iran. And he addressed all these peoples directly.
And you can wonder, just as
the president of the United States addresses those peoples of
the world, what would those peoples of the world tell him if
they were given the floor? What would they have to say?
And I think I have some inkling
of what the peoples of the south, the oppressed people think.
They would say, "Yankee imperialist, go home." I think
that is what those people would say if they were given the microphone
and if they could speak with one voice to the American imperialists.
And that is why, Madam President,
my colleagues, my friends, last year we came here to this same
hall as we have been doing for the past eight years, and we said
something that has now been confirmed -- fully, fully confirmed.
I don't think anybody in this
room could defend the system. Let's accept -- let's be honest.
The U.N. system, born after the Second World War, collapsed.
It's worthless.
Oh, yes, it's good to bring
us together once a year, see each other, make statements and
prepare all kinds of long documents, and listen to good speeches,
like Abel's yesterday, or President Mullah's . Yes, it's good
for that.
And there are a lot of speeches,
and we've heard lots from the president of Sri Lanka, for instance,
and the president of Chile.
But we, the assembly, have
been turned into a merely deliberative organ. We have no power,
no power to make any impact on the terrible situation in the
world. And that is why Venezuela once again proposes, here, today,
20 September, that we re-establish the United Nations.
Last year, Madam, we made four
modest proposals that we felt to be crucially important. We have
to assume the responsibility our heads of state, our ambassadors,
our representatives, and we have to discuss it.
The first is expansion, and
Mullah talked about this yesterday right here. The Security Council,
both as it has permanent and non-permanent categories, (inaudible)
developing countries and LDCs must be given access as new permanent
members. That's step one.
Second, effective methods to
address and resolve world conflicts, transparent decisions.
Point three, the immediate
suppression -- and that is something everyone's calling for --
of the anti-democratic mechanism known as the veto, the veto
on decisions of the Security Council.
Let me give you a recent example.
The immoral veto of the United States allowed the Israelis, with
impunity, to destroy Lebanon. Right in front of all of us as
we stood there watching, a resolution in the council was prevented.
Fourthly, we have to strengthen,
as we've always said, the role and the powers of the secretary
general of the United Nations.
Yesterday, the secretary general
practically gave us his speech of farewell. And he recognized
that over the last 10 years, things have just gotten more complicated;
hunger, poverty, violence, human rights violations have just
worsened. That is the tremendous consequence of the collapse
of the United Nations system and American hegemonistic pretensions.
Madam, Venezuela a few years
ago decided to wage this battle within the United Nations by
recognizing the United Nations, as members of it that we are,
and lending it our voice, our thinking.
Our voice is an independent
voice to represent the dignity and the search for peace and the
reformulation of the international system; to denounce persecution
and aggression of hegemonistic forces on the planet.
This is how Venezuela has presented
itself. Bolivar's home has sought a nonpermanent seat on the
Security Council.
Let's see. Well, there's been
an open attack by the U.S. government, an immoral attack, to
try and prevent Venezuela from being freely elected to a post
in the Security Council.
The imperium is afraid of truth,
is afraid of independent voices. It calls us extremists, but
they are the extremists.
And I would like to thank all
the countries that have kindly announced their support for Venezuela,
even though the ballot is a secret one and there's no need to
announce things.
But since the imperium has
attacked, openly, they strengthened the convictions of many countries.
And their support strengthens us.
Mercosur, as a bloc, has expressed
its support, our brothers in Mercosur. Venezuela, with Brazil,
Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, is a full member of Mercosur.
And many other Latin American
countries, CARICOM, Bolivia have expressed their support for
Venezuela. The Arab League, the full Arab League has voiced its
support. And I am immensely grateful to the Arab world, to our
Arab brothers, our Caribbean brothers, the African Union. Almost
all of Africa has expressed its support for Venezuela and countries
such as Russia or China and many others.
I thank you all warmly on behalf
of Venezuela, on behalf of our people, and on behalf of the truth,
because Venezuela, with a seat on the Security Council, will
be expressing not only Venezuela's thoughts, but it will also
be the voice of all the peoples of the world, and we will defend
dignity and truth.
Over and above all of this,
Madam President, I think there are reasons to be optimistic.
A poet would have said "helplessly optimistic," because
over and above the wars and the bombs and the aggressive and
the preventive war and the destruction of entire peoples, one
can see that a new era is dawning.
As Silvio Rodriguez says, the
era is giving birth to a heart. There are alternative ways of
thinking. There are young people who think differently. And this
has already been seen within the space of a mere decade. It was
shown that the end of history was a totally false assumption,
and the same was shown about Pax Americana and the establishment
of the capitalist neo-liberal world. It has been shown, this
system, to generate mere poverty. Who believes in it now?
What we now have to do is define
the future of the world. Dawn is breaking out all over. You can
see it in Africa and Europe and Latin America and Oceanea. I
want to emphasize that optimistic vision.
We have to strengthen ourselves,
our will to do battle, our awareness. We have to build a new
and better world.
Venezuela joins that struggle,
and that's why we are threatened. The U.S. has already planned,
financed and set in motion a coup in Venezuela, and it continues
to support coup attempts in Venezuela and elsewhere.
President Michelle Bachelet
reminded us just a moment ago of the horrendous assassination
of the former foreign minister, Orlando Letelier.
And I would just add one thing:
Those who perpetrated this crime are free. And that other event
where an American citizen also died were American themselves.
They were CIA killers, terrorists.
And we must recall in this
room that in just a few days there will be another anniversary.
Thirty years will have passed from this other horrendous terrorist
attack on the Cuban plane, where 73 innocents died, a Cubana
de Aviacion airliner.
And where is the biggest terrorist
of this continent who took the responsibility for blowing up
the plane? He spent a few years in jail in Venezuela. Thanks
to CIA and then government officials, he was allowed to escape,
and he lives here in this country, protected by the government.
And he was convicted. He has
confessed to his crime. But the U.S. government has double standards.
It protects terrorism when it wants to.
And this is to say that Venezuela
is fully committed to combating terrorism and violence. And we
are one of the people who are fighting for peace.
Luis Posada Carriles is the
name of that terrorist who is protected here. And other tremendously
corrupt people who escaped from Venezuela are also living here
under protection: a group that bombed various embassies, that
assassinated people during the coup. They kidnapped me and they
were going to kill me, but I think God reached down and our people
came out into the streets and the army was too, and so I'm here
today.
But these people who led that
coup are here today in this country protected by the American
government. And I accuse the American government of protecting
terrorists and of having a completely cynical discourse.
We mentioned Cuba. Yes, we
were just there a few days ago. We just came from there happily.
And there you see another era
born. The Summit of the 15, the Summit of the Nonaligned, adopted
a historic resolution. This is the outcome document. Don't worry,
I'm not going to read it.
But you have a whole set of
resolutions here that were adopted after open debate in a transparent
matter -- more than 50 heads of state. Havana was the capital
of the south for a few weeks, and we have now launched, once
again, the group of the nonaligned with new momentum.
And if there is anything I
could ask all of you here, my companions, my brothers and sisters,
it is to please lend your good will to lend momentum to the Nonaligned
Movement for the birth of the new era, to prevent hegemony and
prevent further advances of imperialism.
And as you know, Fidel Castro
is the president of the nonaligned for the next three years,
and we can trust him to lead the charge very efficiently.
Unfortunately they thought,
"Oh, Fidel was going to die." But they're going to
be disappointed because he didn't. And he's not only alive, he's
back in his green fatigues, and he's now presiding the nonaligned.
So, my dear colleagues, Madam
President, a new, strong movement has been born, a movement of
the south. We are men and women of the south.
With this document, with these
ideas, with these criticisms, I'm now closing my file. I'm taking
the book with me. And, don't forget, I'm recommending it very
warmly and very humbly to all of you.
We want ideas to save our planet,
to save the planet from the imperialist threat. And hopefully
in this very century, in not too long a time, we will see this,
we will see this new era, and for our children and our grandchildren
a world of peace based on the fundamental principles of the United
Nations, but a renewed United Nations.
And maybe we have to change
location. Maybe we have to put the United Nations somewhere else;
maybe a city of the south. We've proposed Venezuela.
You know that my personal doctor
had to stay in the plane. The chief of security had to be left
in a locked plane. Neither of these gentlemen was allowed to
arrive and attend the U.N. meeting. This is another abuse and
another abuse of power on the part of the Devil. It smells of
sulfur here, but God is with us and I embrace you all.
May God bless us all. Good
day to you.
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