At first glance, it seems strange that President Bush threatened to use
the first veto of his presidency to defend the right of the United Arab
Emirates to manage six major U.S. ports.
It was certainly an extraordinary move. Bush, who bills himself as "tough"
on terrorism, went to bat for the United Arab Emirates against the wishes of
his own security experts and his own Republican colleagues in Congress, who
noted that the Emirates has known ties to the Sept. 11 terrorists and Osama bin
Laden. Why?
As an explanation, Bush publicly pointed to the merits of foreign
investment. Foreign investment, of course, can be positive when it fuels the
domestic economy but when it comes to America's ports, the extra security
precaution of mandating American ownership and control far outweigh the
economic benefits of foreign investment by a country such as the United Arab
Emirates.
In 1999, Emirates officials were happily commiserating with bin Laden in
Afghanistan. According to the Sept. 11 commission, these officials also
provided "one of the Taliban's only travel and financial outlets to the outside
world." This, at the same time as the Emirates rejected U.S. requests to crack
down on terrorist financing. Today, the State Department's Web site about the
Emirates notes the serious anti-American threats there.
So again, why? Because this is about far more than just one deal with one
company or one country.
The Bush administration is unquestionably the most corporate-controlled
administration in recent history, which means the White House doesn't sound the
alarm unless corporate America is sounding the alarm. The veto threat is about
preserving the rules of so-called "free trade" that big business relies on to
maximize profit and that guide America's global economic policy.
Right now, the White House is putting the finishing touches on one of
these free-trade agreements with the Emirates. If security concerns overturn
the port deal -- and Dubai Ports World has offered to delay the takeover
because of such concerns -- the free-trade accord and a subsequent Mideast
regional trade pact will be jeopardized.
Free trade is all about allowing corporations to move capital wherever
they please, without regard to the labor, human rights, environmental and --
yes -- security consequences of those moves. Nixing the Emirates
port-security deal could set a new precedent, whereby our government would
include security precautions in its trade policy and more aggressively regulate
commerce based on those precautions.
That shift would create a new standard that could impede the as-yet
uninhibited quest for profits. Put another way, trade policy would become not
quite as free as big Business would like. Such a precedent would have global
implications.
Suddenly, the public might want Congress to re-evaluate corporate
subsidies with an eye to security. We might see a push, for instance, to
rescind the billions in taxpayer-backed loans Congress provided last year to
Westinghouse to build nuclear power facilities in China. The public might
demand stricter security standards governing technology transfers and ownership
privileges in future trade accords. Again, these moves are basic steps to
protect our country -- but they would get in the way of companies who have
eyes only for the bottom line.
This is why the president threatened his veto. His reflexes are trained to
defend the corporate interests that bankrolled his political career. These are
the same reflexes detailed in a September Government Accountability Office
report chastising the Bush administration for employing overly narrow
definitions of national security to expedite questionable transactions such as
the Emirates port deal. Though President Bush won't admit this is what
motivates his behavior, others are admitting it on his behalf.
Take Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff. Days ago he said of the
Emirates deal, "We have to balance the paramount urgency of security against
the fact that we still want to have a robust global trading system." He's
technically right, of course -- we do have to balance those needs. But coming
from him, the comments were telling. Could the Bush administration's skewed
priorities be any more visible?
Similarly, the New York Times this week quoted a corporate consultant who
says that Congress' concerns about the port security deal are "totally
illogical." Why? Because, he says, "The location of the headquarters of a
company in the age of globalism is irrelevant." This is free-trade
fundamentalism. Companies, of course, can't be blamed for being governed by it
-- they are in the business of making money, nothing else. But there is a
clear danger to America when free-trade fundamentalism becomes government
policy, as it has become today.
In recent years, this fundamentalism convinced politicians to ink trade
deals with Mexico that discarded labor and environmental standards. It
convinced politicians to agree to accords with China that wave off basic human
rights. Now, perhaps most incredibly, it convinced a supposedly
"tough-on-terrorism" president to brandish his veto pen in defense of a policy
that threatens America's national security. That fundamentalism may make the
president's big donors happy, but it needlessly endangers our country in the
post-Sept. 11 world.
David Sirota is the author of "Hostile Takeover" (Crown Publishers, May 2005) and co-chair of the Progressive Legislative Action Network (www.progressivestates.org), a research and advocacy organization supporting state lawmakers.