Judith Miller, the New York Times, and some members of Congress picked a
bad time to make a stand for journalistic integrity.
Miller, a Times reporter, is in jail for not revealing the identity of a
White House source in an article (never published) about CIA operative
Valerie Plame, whose husband is a vocal critic of the Iraq War. The Times
has stood behind Miller, declaring that the relationship between reporters
and sources requires sacred trust.
In response, a bipartisan bill now in Congress would compel journalists to
testify only when "imminent and actual harm to national security" is at
stake. More than 80 media groups have endorsed it. However, the U.S.
Justice Department announced opposition to the bill Wednesday, calling it
"bad public policy" that would harm the administration's ability to
"enforce the law and fight terrorism."
Journalists and their congressional supporters are almost certain to lose
this battle - partly due to the news media's own actions.
A recent Pew Research Center poll shows U.S. press credibility at historic
lows. In early June, 56% of randomly sampled U.S. adults said that "[news]
stories and reports are often inaccurate," an increase from 34% of the
public who held this view in 1985. Similarly, 72% of Americans today say
news organizations "tend to favor one side" when covering political and
social issues, up from 53% two decades ago. And 75% of Americans said news
organizations' reporting is most concerned about "attracting the biggest
audience," while only 19% said it was "keeping the public informed."
Three factors explain such low media credibility.
First, Internet blogs and media watchdog groups, representing all sides of
the political spectrum, have turned the spotlight on journalists' actions
in much the same way that news media cover other social institutions.
Journalists are now held to answer for poor reporting and those relatively
rare moments when political bias does intentionally enter mainstream news
coverage.
In the long run, this scrutiny will be good for news media-but only if
they stop making significant mistakes in their rush to be the first to
publish or broadcast. For example, Judith Miller's current standing is
substantially undercut by her own record, which includes pre-Iraq war
reporting on weapons of mass destruction that has subsequently been
discredited-by her own newspaper, which now stands by her. Talk about a
mixed message on journalism standards.
Second, political conservatives have mounted a concerted assault on news
organizations, wielding the epithet of "the liberal media." While such
claims have been around since at least the 1950s, research I undertook
with academic colleagues shows that this rhetoric increased markedly
beginning in the late 1980s. The accusations are used strategically by
Republican Party leaders to discredit and stem critical news coverage.
This was acknowledged in 1992 by Rich Bond, then chair of the Republican
Party, who said, "There is some strategy to it. ... If you watch any great
coach, what they try to do is 'work the refs.' Maybe the ref will cut you
a little slack on the next one." And GOP strategist William Kristol in
1995 told The New Yorker, "I admit it. The whole idea of the 'liberal
media' was often used as an excuse by conservatives for conservative
failures."
The strategy has worked well. Chris Ison, a Pulitzer Prize-winning
reporter at the Minneapolis Star Tribune, told me not long ago that
criticism by political conservatives has led to a paralyzing
"hyper-sensitivity" among journalists about appearing balanced in news
stories. Further, claims of news media as inherently biased help
Republicans to dismiss the democratic value of the Fourth Estate-as the
Justice Department did Wednesday.
Finally, since the attacks of September 11, 2001, it is apparent that a
growing segment of the U.S. public believes the press should be distinctly
pro-American. For example, the Pew data show that 40% of U.S. adults think
the press is "too critical of America," up from 17% in November 2001. Put
simply, many Americans see no conflict between simultaneous wishes for
press independence and a pro-U.S. perspective.
We might call this the "Fox effect." The Fox News Channel came into
existence in 1996 and bills itself as "fair and balanced." Since September
11 the channel has contained a waving U.S. flag in the television screen's
corner and has unabashedly championed the international and military
policies of the Bush administration. The public's response is clear: Fox
surpassed CNN as the ratings leader among cable news channels in late 2001
and has extended its lead in years since.
The desire for pro-American news produces this outcome: when news content
is critical of U.S. actions, many Americans become angry with the press,
rather than the government. In other words, the public becomes likely to
shoot the messenger. It would help if the news media stopped providing
ammunition.
David Domke, a former journalist, is an associate professor in the Department of Communication and head of journalism at the University of Washington. He is the author of God Willing? Political Fundamentalism in the White House.
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