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The Iraqi people go to the polls Sunday to vote in
their country's first free multiparty election in more than 50
years. A free and fair election
would mark an important step on the road to stability and democracy in a nation
that has seen more than its share of conflict. As Election Day approaches, in
fact, the situation on the ground has grown only more insecure, and the odds are
stacked against a positive outcome. True to its record, the Bush administration
seems more concerned with how Iraq's election is perceived than with its
execution or legitimacy. As the White House spins away and prepares to
once again claim that "freedom is on the march," it's worth remembering the
facts.
Ongoing violence and confusion threaten to
undermine the election's legitimacy. Most Iraqis do not even know where to go to
vote, as the locations of the
polling stations have been kept secret to prevent attacks. Under threat of
assassination, many candidates have avoided public events and
concealed their names. A poll by the
International Republican Institute released on January 20 found that nearly 40
percent of Iraqis falsely believe they will be electing a
president in this election. The
security situation is so bad that the Iraqi election will be the first of dozens
of transitional elections that will not have international observers in country
to assess whether the process is "free and fair."
The Bush administration is aggressively
lowering expectations. Faced with an increasingly perilous
situation on the ground,
administration officials in the days leading up to the election have changed
their tune about the country's stability. Administration officials once
said that the Iraqi people would throw rose petals at the feet of American
soldiers; they are now anonymously urging people "not to focus on numbers, which in themselves don't have any meaning, but to look on
the outcome." U.S. Ambassador John Negroponte has said that the participation of
the Sunnis - who comprise nearly 20 percent of Iraq's population - should not be
the "arbiter…of the legitimacy of this
election." Even Donald Rumsfeld has
offered a bleak assessment: "Looking for a peaceful Iraq after the elections would be a
mistake."
Let the finger-pointing begin. The Bush
administration has a big mess on its hands in Iraq. But if the election does not
go well, it will not be surprising if the White House - instead of taking
responsibility for its mistakes - tries to lay blame elsewhere. Potential
scapegoats abound; beware of finger-pointing at the United Nations or our
European allies for allegedly not doing their parts. As former Secretary of
State Madeleine Albright wrote, "to have any chance of turning things around,
the administration must do what it has steadfastly refused to do -
admit mistakes."
A successful election will do little to
stabilize the country. Any victory by the Shia majority is bound to incite
Sunni insurgents and Saddam loyalists to violence. Lack of participation
by the Sunnis - who may be too intimidated and fearful to vote - will sow the
seeds of unending strife. Sunni Iraqis could find themselves
underrepresented in the National Assembly, and that could prove devastating to
the constitutional process. And the Iraqi Electoral Commission could well be
delayed in determining a final result; protests, violence and sheer uncertainty
could drive the country into chaos. Spin the wheel of Iraqi
(mis)fortune to learn how the
administration is gambling with Iraq's future.
This election marks only the first step on a
long road to democracy. The election will create a 275-member National
Assembly that will draft a new constitution; additional elections are then
slated for no later than December 2005. But experts predict that this first
election will do little to resolve centuries-old conflicts or stabilize the
country. Columbia Law Professor Samuel Issacharoff contends that far more is
needed for a Balkanized state to mature into a democracy: "While elections may be necessary to a democracy, though,
they are by no means sufficient."
The White House has no back-up plan. It
should come as no surprise that this administration, which has never been fond
of planning, seems to have no idea for what comes after the potentially
explosive election. "'I
don't think they're thinking of a Plan B…You go for elections, hope for the best and if it doesn't materialize,
you go with whatever emerges -- probably a heavily Shiite government,' said
Henri J. Barkey, a former State Department Iraq specialist... 'Then you hope
that this new government will be smart enough and enlightened enough to make an
outreach to the Sunnis.'" As they say at the Pentagon, hope is not a
plan.
The Iraqi election has cost Americans more than 1,400
lives and $280 billion. The Bush administration has already spent $200 billion
prosecuting the war in Iraq and is about to ask taxpayers for another $80
billion. In the meantime,
American soldiers - 35,000 of whom will deploy on the streets of Baghdad
alone to protect voters - are killed
or wounded every day. At this price, one might expect better results than a
highly uncertain election amidst widespread instability - and no end in sight
for our troops or taxpayers.
Robert O. Boorstin is the senior vice president
for national security at the Center for American Progress. Nicole Mlade is a
senior analyst also with the Center.
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