The sight of the youngest daughter of Martin Luther King Jr.
standing at her father's gravesite Saturday with thousands of demonstrators to
denounce same-sex marriage was painful. The Rev. Bernice King and march
organizers deliberately chose King's resting place in Atlanta to imply that he
would have stood with them. But Martin Luther King's uncompromising battle
against discrimination during his life -- and his persistent refusal to
distance himself from a well-known gay civil rights leader -- show that King
never would have endorsed an anti-gay campaign.
It's not the first time that a King family member has sullied King's name
and legacy to torpedo gay rights. In 1998, King's niece, Alveda King,
barnstormed the country speaking at rallies against gay-rights legislation. In
case anyone missed the King family connection, her group is named King for
America. Gay-rights groups everywhere countered King's "repent and save
yourself" message to gays by quoting a public statement Coretta Scott King
issued in 1996, in which she said that King would be a champion of gay rights
if he were alive.
At Saturday's event, King's daughter was careful not to mention same-sex
marriage in her talk. Her mentor and march organizer, Bishop Eddie Long,
cautiously downplayed the issue, though media reported that Long's Web site
listed promoting a federal amendment against same-sex marriage as a major goal
of the march. But Bernice King is an outspoken evangelical, and in the last
couple of years she and other black evangelicals have marched, protested, and
written letters and petitions denouncing such marriages. Polls show that black
evangelicals' hostility to same-sex marriage is much stronger than that of
In the 1960s, gay rights were invisible on America's public policy radar,
and homosexuality in both black and white communities was hushed up. There's
not a word about homosexuality in any of Martin Luther King Jr.'s speeches or
writings. There's a way, however, to gauge what his feelings were on the issue,
and that is the longtime personal and political relationship that King had
with Bayard Rustin. Best known as the driving force behind the historic 1963
March on Washington, Rustin was a close King associate and a known homosexual.
(In 1953, Rustin was convicted on "morals" charges -- the parlance, in the
frozen mood of that day, for homosexual acts.) King knew this, as did top FBI
officials, black elected officials, civil-rights leaders and the tight circle
of black ministers around King. That didn't deter King from embracing Rustin.
At the high point of the Montgomery bus boycott in 1956 that launched
King into the national spotlight, and over the vehement opposition of black
ministers who called homosexuals and Rustin unsavory and evil, King invited
Rustin to come to Montgomery as an adviser. A year later, King asked Rustin to
draft the resolutions and the organizational charter of his fledging Southern
Christian Leadership Conference. He demanded that the SCLC board, mostly
composed of black ministers, hire Rustin as its coordinator and publicist. The
board flatly turned him down, and though it was unstated, Rustin's
homosexuality was a major reason.
The issue continued to dog King and his relationship with Rustin. Harlem
Congressman Adam Clayton Powell publicly threatened to accuse King of having a
homosexual affair with Rustin if he didn't call off planned demonstrations at
the 1960 Democratic convention. King didn't buckle to Powell's blackmail
threat and went ahead with the demonstrations anyway.
During the next few years, the assault on Rustin's homosexuality, and the
pressure on King to dump him, escalated. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover publicly
released wiretaps of scurrilous remarks King associates made about Rustin's
homosexuality. On the eve of the March on Washington in 1963, South Carolina
Sen. Strom Thurmond denounced Rustin on the Senate floor as a sexual pervert,
and inserted a copy of his 1953 arrest booking slip in the Congressional
Record. President Kennedy and Attorney General Bobby Kennedy also flatly
demanded that King get rid of him. King did not publicly break with Rustin.
And when he did eventually distance himself politically from Rustin, he gave
no public hint that his homosexuality was an issue.
King risked much to work with and defend Rustin during the tumultuous
battles of the civil-rights era. He valued him as an ally and a major player
in the struggle. He also believed that deeply embodied in the civil-rights
fight was a person's right to be whom and what he was. While King may have
praised his daughter for having the courage and conviction to march for her
beliefs, bigotry is still bigotry, whether it's about race or sexual
orientation. He would not have marched by her side.
Earl Ofari Hutchinson is a political analyst and the author of "The Crisis in Black and Black" (Middle Passage Press).
2004 San Francisco Chronicle