Democracy has been much in the news of late. At the G-8 Summit in
Georgia, one of the main items on the agenda was the democratization of the
Middle East, and the recent commemoration of the D-Day anniversary and the
passing of President Reagan both generated discussion concerning the defense
and spread of democracy.
But amidst all the hoopla, the anniversary of a decisive event in the
modern history of democracy has somehow escaped notice. Fifty years ago, in
June of 1954, the government of the United States overthrew the legitimate and
democratically elected government of Guatemala. It was the Central
Intelligence Agency's first major covert action in Latin America, and by
leading to the rise to a series of military regimes across the region, it
changed the course of history.
What was done to Guatemala in 1954 was criminal, and because the U.S.
government committed the dreadful deed, American citizens are obliged to
remember.
After throwing off dictatorial rule in the 1940's, Guatemala had
several democratic elections that culminated in 1950 with the selection of
Jacobo Arbenz as president with 65% of the popular vote. Arbenz was committed
to modernizing the country. He pushed for more labor rights and higher wages,
more spending on infrastructure and education, and land reform. The latter was
a kind of Central American "trust busting" - an effort to break up large
uncultivated land holdings to create thousands of family farms. President
Arbenz himself lost 1700 acres to the reform program.
Unfortunately for Arbenz, his reforms ran up against a powerful multi- national corporation, the United Fruit Company, which owned over a half million
acres of land in Guatemala and controlled the country's telegraph and rail
systems, as well as the only Atlantic sea port. The company was well connected
in Washington. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother Allen
Dulles, the Director of the CIA, both had extensive financial ties to United
Fruit. They both bitterly opposed the Arbenz government's proposal to
nationalize and distribute 390,000 acres of uncultivated land owned by the
company.
United Fruit spent heavily on public relations, and alleged that
Guatemala was under the control of communists. Reader's Digest, The Saturday
Evening Post, and NBC News - among others - joined in hyping the red scare.
But the truth was that, while the communist party was legal in Guatemala, its
membership never exceeded 4,000 in a nation of nearly three million people. In
Arbenz' governing coalition, only four of fifty-one deputies were communists,
and none were cabinet members.
"Operation Success", as the CIA coup was called, removed by force the
Arbenz government in June of 1954, and installed its hand-picked "Liberator",
Castillo Armas, who promptly cancelled the land reform program, imposed press
censorship, banned political parties, outlawed most labor union and leftist
political activity, and re-hired the chief of the secret police from the old
dictatorship. Book burnings soon followed. The U.S. ambassador presented to
the new government a list of names of Guatemalans that had been marked for
immediate assassination by the CIA.
For a short time after the coup, U.S. officials seemed to be committed
to improving the lot of the Guatemalan people. Visiting Guatemala in 1955,
Vice President Richard Nixon declared that it was important for the new regime
to "do more for the people in two years than the communists were able to do in
ten years."
To say that Nixon's goal was not met would be an understatement. On
the contrary, more than thirty years would pass before Guatemala would again
have reasonably democratic elections. The CIA coup ushered in a long night of
torture, repression and state terrorism that has taken the lives of close to
two hundred thousand Guatemalans. Among the victims have been nuns, priests,
teachers, students, labor unionists, indigenous Mayans, and others labeled
as "subversives". Throughout the decades of repression, U.S. government
officials supported the terror with arms, training, diplomatic cover, and
intelligence. State terror escalated to genocide in the 1980s as entire Mayan
communities were wiped off the earth with the active connivance of the Reagan
administration. These were among the findings in 1999 of a United Nations
sponsored truth commission.
Although President Clinton apologized to the Guatemalan people in 1998
for the U.S. government's earlier backing of abusive regimes, the legacy of the
coup and the decades of violence continue. Amnesty International's 2004 report
declared that "human rights abuses in Guatemala reached levels not seen for
many years." The victims now are mostly journalists, legal and human rights
workers, and campesinos involved in land disputes. Adult illiteracy is at 25%,
poverty is rampant, and Guatemala is now one of the most unequal countries in
the world. Washington seems satisfied.
Guatemala in 1954 was a precedent. Elected governments in Brazil,
Chile and Nicaragua later met a similar fate, and others including as Argentina
and Uruguay fell indirectly.
What might properly be called "The Really Bad Neighbor Policy"
continues. Recently, the U.S. government has subverted or grossly interfered
with democratic processes in Haiti, Venezuela, and El Salvador.
Remembering Guatemala is good, but not sufficient. The U.S. national
security elite really needs to change its ways of giving mere lip service to
democracy while subverting it in practice. For openers, perhaps we should
stop honoring the smug suits in Washington who have shown such scant respect
for democratic institutions. Maybe if their retirements were not so
comfortable, they might think twice.
We need indictments. We need perp walks and orange jump suits. We
need trials both in the United States, and before the International Criminal
Court.
This we owe to Guatemala.
Arnold J. Oliver is a professor of Political Science at Heidelberg College in
Tiffin, Ohio. He can be reached at soliver@heidelberg.edu
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