You can't argue as many rape cases before a jury as I did during my time as
a New York City prosecutor and not understand that our society harbors some deep-seated
rape myths — cultural misconceptions about sexual violence that interfere with
our adequately addressing the prevalence of sexual assault. In recent years, most
of these rape myths had gone underground, seemingly because it would have been
unpopular to express them. But now, distressingly, the Kobe Bryant case has granted
them all permission to resurface.
Something about this case seems to have given
a more hateful voice to prejudice. The death threats against the prosecutor (which
have required additional security measures) and the complainant (for which two
individuals already face charges) are only the most extreme signs of a public
enraged that anyone would accuse a basketball superstar "role model" of a sex
crime. Despite all the evidence to the contrary, we insist on believing that only
"certain kinds" of readily identifiable men commit rape. That is perhaps the most
dangerous of our myths.
There are a few standard defenses to a rape charge:
The rape never happened; it happened, but someone else committed the crime; or
it wasn't rape, but consensual sex. Sometimes, such explicit defenses are poorly
supported by fact or logic. They are presented to jurors only to give them an
excuse to acquit. Far more powerful is the unstated defense that depends upon
jurors' buying into rape myths — myths such as the one that insists, for example,
that "real" victims resist to within an inch of their lives. Nothing in the legal
definition of sexual assault in any jurisdiction corroborates such beliefs, but
they persist with a force that sometimes exceeds the force of the law itself.
It's impossible, of course, to know the truth about the Kobe Bryant case at
this stage. But almost from the start, Bryant's defenders jumped on the rape-myth
bandwagon. One of the first "facts" presented in support of his innocence was
that he is married — and what's more, his wife is beautiful. Originally, his wife's
attractiveness was offered as proof that Bryant would not be interested in sex
with another woman. This morphed into a rape myth once Bryant admitted to what
he referred to as "adultery." The rape myth is that men with ample opportunity
for sex do not "need" to rape. But there is no evidence that men rape because
they have been deprived of consensual — including paid-for — sex. Rape is not
merely forcible sexual intercourse. It is a complex drive, with varying motivations.
To use the "only a hungry man will steal food" paradigm is both ignorant and pernicious.
But the biggest rape myth of all is that jurors in sexual-assault cases are
blank slates. In fact, the danger in every sexual-assault prosecution is that
the result has been determined before the jury is seated. That's the real stake
in the pretrial publicity surrounding the Bryant prosecution.
Colorado law
permits prosecutors to satisfy their minimal legal burden at a preliminary hearing
by offering hearsay evidence. No conscientious prosecutor voluntarily exposes
his or her witnesses to unnecessary pretrial cross-examination. Yet when Eagle
County Judge Frederick Gannett, in his opinion binding the matter over for trial,
made some gratuitous comments complaining about the inherent weakness of such
hearsay evidence, the media dutifully reported that the case against Bryant itself
was weak. The truth is, we simply don't know the strength of the case, and neither
could a judge who heard primarily hearsay. The judge conceded as much in his opinion:
"The court understands that the people have no obligation to present all, or even
the best of, its evidence at a preliminary hearing, however the court can rule
only on what was presented and admitted into evidence."
Yet public opinion
about the complainant shifted dramatically as soon as the defense claimed that
she had had consensual sex in the days preceding her encounter with Bryant. The
defense's transparently specious justification for raising this "fact" at a preliminary
hearing was the possibility that the gynecological signs of forcible intercourse
may have been caused by someone other than Bryant. The unstated argument raised
by this claim (and the one directly targeted at the media) is that this victim
is "unworthy." Because still another rape myth is that "a slut cannot be raped."
There is no criminological data to support a correlation between the prior
sexual activity of a victim and the likelihood of sexual assault. Prostitutes
are no more likely to be raped than virgins. Yet even though Bryant has conceded
an act of intercourse, there is inordinate interest in what biological sera may
have been found in his accuser's underwear. In truth, her sexual activity or inactivity
outside this incident is no more relevant to the issue of consent than his.
For
defense purposes, the most effective rape myths are those that give the jury permission
to be indifferent toward (or even resentful of) the complaining witness. FBI crime
statistics suggest that false complaints are no more frequent in sexual assault
than in any other crime, and this was borne out by my experience when I ran a
special victims bureau. But rape myths warn jurors that there is a lurking population
of disturbed or calculating women eager to "cry rape."
Old issues about the
conventional roles of women crop up in rape trials in the form of disapproval
of a victim, and are expressed as "doubt." In my experience, jurors have trouble
deciding that it's "really rape" if a woman is out alone, especially at night
or in a bad neighborhood (even if it's her own neighborhood). Jurors are concerned
with how a victim was dressed even when "consent" is not the defense. Jurors judge
a rape victim who consumed alcohol on the night she was raped (whether or not
the rapist was present when she had a drink), or who seems to generally enjoy
sex (whether or not she is married), or who is unmarried but sexually active.
The punishment for such conduct by a woman is a refusal to believe her accusations.
One of the decisions I most regret in my career as a prosecutor was agreeing
to a teen-age rape victim's request to testify before she delivered her baby.
When the jury learned that the defendant was not the father, and that the baby
was the result of consensual sex after the rape, they decided that the night screams
in the schoolyard that had prompted the 911 call could have been sounds of "pleasure."
In fact, although many rape victims subsequently fear sex, many others seek out
situations in which they can exercise consent as a way of regaining a sense of
control.
Not all rape myths are anti-victim. This country has a shameful history
of rape myths surrounding black men interacting with white women. We have finally
begun to recognize that such myths are virulent when they target the accused.
But when we're given permission to disapprove of a complainant's lifestyle, it
triggers the exercise of all sorts of other prejudice toward her. The most unashamed
racism I've ever heard expressed has been directed toward sex crimes victims.
In Queens County, I learned that if I heard about an inexplicable acquittal in
a sex crimes case, the first thing to ask was whether the victim was a Latina.
As one well-educated woman of a different color put it when I raised this issue
in a community forum on rape awareness: "Well, but ... we all know they're promiscuous."
Many jurors also tend to doubt rape victims who are too emotional, or not emotional
enough; angry, or sullen, or inarticulate; too young, or too old; too ugly, or
too pretty; or the wrong gender, or any class other than middle class.
Researchers
have developed rape-myth acceptance scales that good sex crimes prosecutors borrow
for jury selection purposes. All these scales consider it critical to measure
the intensity of the subjects' beliefs. Measured against these scales, the degree
of reaction against the prosecution of Kobe Bryant is alarming. There is so much
anger that anyone would dare accuse him of rape that an Internet Web site, openly
proclaiming the complainant's name, offers to provide her home address to any
interested parties. Jeff Reichman, one of the two men who created the site, told
the Rocky Mountain News he did it because "There are not really any superstars
to look up to anymore." Bryant's status as a role model, has much of the public
rallying to a cause we know almost nothing about.
We already know, from the
painful betrayals of our children, that the clean-cut guy who coaches the Little
League basketball team may turn out to be a child molester. One rapist I prosecuted
pleaded guilty to more than 80 counts of sexual assault. Before his arrest, he
had been elected the local "Man of the Year." Yet people believe, passionately,
that it is indisputable proof of Bryant's innocence that he plays basketball so
well on the court and that he seems so "nice" off it.
The only publicly known
facts about what occurred on June 30 in the Lodge & Spa at Cordillera in Eagle
County, Colo., come from statements made by the defendant. We do not know what
he originally told authorities, because that preliminary hearing testimony was
sealed as being too prejudicial to him. Bryant gave two subsequent statements
to the media. The first was on July 12, to Los Angeles Times sportswriter Bill
Plaschke: "When everything comes clean, it will all be fine, you'll see. ... But
you guys know me, I shouldn't have to say anything. You know I would never do
something like that." Six days later, after the lab results came back, he gave
a press conference and acknowledged sexual intercourse, but denied force.
It
is fundamental to our criminal justice system that at this point Bryant be presumed
innocent. It is apparently not fundamental, though, that a person who reports
sexual victimization to the authorities be entitled to that same presumption.
Alice Vachss is a former chief of the special victims bureau in the district
attorney's office of Queens, New York, and the author of "Sex Crimes: Ten Years on the Front Lines Prosecuting Rapists and Confronting Their Collaborators" (Random House).
Copyright 2003, The Daily
Camera
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