In 1941, Henry Luce, the founding editor of Time Magazine, predicted the coming of the American Century. The time has come, he said, "to accept wholeheartedly our duty and our opportunity as the most powerful and vital nation of the world and in consequence to assert upon the world the full impact of our influence, for such means as we see fit."

Luce’s prophecy came to pass. America’s role in World War Two and its aftermath defined the twentieth century. If the world was a sporting arena and life an athletic event, we were number one. But two short years into the new century bring signs of an historic reversal. Empires rise and fall. All around us are indicators that the American Century is past and we are entering into the period of American decline.

The American Century was constructed on military and economic prowess, a multinational foreign policy, far-sighted generosity in the way we treated our World War II enemies, and, in contradiction, imperialistic military adventures that left millions dead and shattered the aspirations of much of the impoverished Third World.

The American Century was also infused by our ideals, if not our practice, of democracy, as well as our culture of freedom and our efforts to make our racial, ethnic and religious melting pot work. Not that we’ve come close to succeeding at this, our greatest adventure, but at least we try which is more than can be said for most other countries in the world.

Now our economy, a principle prop for the American Century, is faltering. Our record on issues like health care, poverty, and the violence of everyday life is abysmal when compared with other industrial democracies. In the midst of great plenty we have an unconscionable amount of poverty, homelessness, social alienation and despair. The multilateral agreements that framed our foreign policy achievements are being abrogated one by one. Only in military prowess do we remain supreme. We can obliterate whole nations with air power but can no longer compete effectively in the battle for hearts and minds. What happens when other countries produce the weapons that are our monopoly now? They most certainly will.

The American Century was built, first, on domestic economic strength based upon strong consumer demand (pent-up by depression and war), easy-credit, a strong manufacturing base, strong unions and good-paying blue-collar jobs. It was also underwritten by a vigorous public sector, government spending on programs like the GI Bill, highway construction, farm subsidies and, most of all, a public job program to manufacture weapons for war.

Now, except for defense, government programs are being cut-back. Free markets have become an American fetish, free trade (as distinct from free but fair trade) a problematic "gift" to the world. Look at where your Christmas presents were manufactured. Whether textile, toys or electronics, chances are they were made by underpaid workers living and working in the substandard conditions of the Third World.

The trickle-down economic theory that informs our government policy assumes that the financial investments of the rich spur enterprise and create jobs. But in today’s global economy, investments spur job creation where labor is cheapest, governments are compliant, and environmental protections do not exist. In today’s world, money invested in corporate expansion does not guarantee good-paying domestic jobs. On the contrary: tax breaks for the super-rich stimulate investment in companies that will build manufacturing facilities overseas. This is a recipe for economic disaster. Prosperity cannot be sustained on the extravagant spending of the super-rich; we can only prosper when working people have enough income to be middle-class.

The Bush Presidency has severed many of our country’s multilateral commitments, not only to the UN but to our allies in NATO and Europe. Unilaterally, the U.S. refused to sign a treaty banning land mines. With North Korea, China, India and Pakistan, we have refused to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. In opposition to NATO, we rejected the Biological and Toxins Treaty, and in signing the Chemical Weapons Convention, we insisted on exemptions similar to those raised by Saddam Hussein protesting UN weapon inspections.

The U.S. also stands alone in opposition to the Kyoto Global Warming Accord, which will have profound and negative implications for the environment and our economy. While the Europeans invest in alternative energy that will stand them well in the future, and foreign auto manufacturers produce fuel-efficient cars, Detroit invests its capital in high-mark-up, gas-guzzling SUVs. Oil is cheap in America because we conveniently ignore its hidden costs. Every military dollar spent in the Middle East represents a taxpayer subsidy for fossil fuel.

Before spring begins we will likely invade Iraq. Given our weapons, military victory is probable, but the political and economic risks are huge. We have proven to the world, as shown in Afghanistan, how militarily effective air-power can be. But we’ve no interest or skill in nation-building. Investment in the social and economic infrastructure of Afghanistan would serve as a positive model of what we have to offer the Muslim world. But we choose, instead, to bomb Iraq. Terrorism will likely grow worse as one result; as will anti-Americanism and not just in the Muslim world. I can foresee American tourists, business travelers and government officials at risk all over the world.

There is nothing in the Declaration of Independence or the U.S. Constitution promoting an American Empire; nor does our country have a "mission statement" about being number one in the world. The pursuit of happiness does not require us to force our will on other people. America’s decline, to the degree that we resist it, can turn into a horrendous experience of increased poverty, political repression, and violence here and abroad. But we can also embrace our decline as conducive to the pursuit of happiness. Without imperial ambitions corroding our values, we can pursue our great ideals of freedom, equality and opportunity as an inspiration to, and in cooperation with, the other peoples and countries of the world.

Marty Jezer’s books include The Dark Ages: Life in the U.S. 1945-1960. He writes from Brattleboro, Vermont and welcomes comments at mjez@sover.net.

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