The tragic death Friday morning of Sen. Paul Wellstone is likely
to be mourned disproportionately to Wellstone's actual
influence in the Senate. Wellstone had an unusual impact for a
two-term senator from a mid-sized state, but, in the end, he was
only one Senator of 100, one Congressperson of 535.
To some liberals and progressives, however, he was far more, and the
canonization got under way as soon as news of his death hit the wires.
Every
four years, progressives seem to anoint one or another hot name as
their
Democratic savior: Jesse Jackson. Jerry Brown. In the run up to 2004,
it's
Dennis Kucinich. And four years ago --
before health problems nixed his exploration of a presidential
candidacy -- it was Wellstone. That cycle, and years of national
fundraising based on his populist image, have made Paul Wellstone
a well-known and (usually) loved figure in liberal circles.
This, along with a tight reelection bid that suddenly morphs into
a crisis that could again swing control of the Senate, makes
Wellstone's death a particularly newsworthy story. But there is
another way, beyond his liberalism and the Democrat's razor-thin
Senate majority, in which Wellstone will be sorely missed.
Wellstone himself identified it in an NPR interview last week, in
a story that focused on his race this year against former St.
Paul mayor Norm Coleman, and Coleman's characterization of
Wellstone as out of step with the Senate. Coleman, Wellstone said
scornfully, is all about getting 51 votes. Wellstone was about
doing what he believed was right, no matter who did or didn't
agree.
I didn't always agree with Wellstone's positions myself, but
that's not the point. Congresspeople, like presidents, are
increasingly poll-driven; there are very few left who are
consistently willing to take unpopular stands of any kind. Two of
the most notable, Cynthia McKinney and Bob Barr, were drummed out
of Congress by faceless "moderates" in their own parties in
September. Now Wellstone is gone. Not many remain. Libertarians
have Ron Paul; liberals and progressives have... well, in the
Senate, nobody, really.
Wellstone will be missed precisely because of the party he leaves
behind: a collection of poll-dependent, colorless pols who
probably wouldn't endorse motherhood unless it tested well in
focus groups of probable voters. Wellstone was the only
Democratic senator in a tough race this year who voted against
Bush's war proclamation this month; the Democrats' across-the-
board timidity in the face of George Bush's presidency has
enraged much of that party's constituency. Likewise,
conservatives' timidity in the face of an assault on the
constitution and a militarily unsound invasion plan has a similar
pedigree; if Ron Paul can come up with 35 reasons why invading
Iraq was a bad idea, how telling was it that fewer than a dozen
other Republicans could bring themselves to agree?
For most Congresspeople, taking a righteous stand can never be
justified, because it's always too much of a risk right now,
there's always too much at stake this time around. Wellstone was
willing to be the "1" in a 99-1 vote, and that's why people mourn
him so. People who can't identify their own non-negotiable core
moral values shouldn't be in high public office; people who can
identify them but won't stand by them shouldn't be, either.
The entire Democratic Party has constructed itself in recent years by trying
to appeal to new swing voters, and by telling its past supporters: be patient.
Now's not the time. The lesson for Wellstone's colleagues, as they see the reaction
to his passing, is short and simple: Life is short. Take risks. Be for
something.
Geov Parrish is a Seattle-based columnist and reporter for Seattle Weekly,
In These Times and Eat the State! He writes the daily Straight Shot for WorkingForChange.
© Working Assets Online
###