Back when the first Gulf War was being
debated, I gave a speech at an anti-war rally in
Charleston, Illinois. A university student
interrupted to heckle. I stopped and looked at him:
"You look like you could carry a gun. If you think
this war is such a great idea, why don't you sign
up for it?"
He didn't have an answer. But it wasn't
merely a rhetorical question. During the first Gulf
War, only two out of 535 members of Congress,
and no cabinet members had children who served
there. Republican Senator Chuck Hagel, a
Vietnam veteran, recently noted that "many of
those who want to rush this country into war . . .
don't know anything about war . . .They come at
it from an intellectual perspective versus having
sat in jungles or foxholes and watched their
friends get their heads blown off."
That includes President Bush, who -- like
many privileged young men -- avoided Vietnam
by serving in the National Guard; and Vice
President Dick Cheney, who got a student
deferment and beat the draft altogether.
Today's "economic draft" continues a long
tradition of having poor and working people fight
and die for the ambitions of the rich and powerful.
And it is perhaps more clear than ever that this is
what our troops will be fighting and dying for.
While the Bush Administration has (for
now) given up on its attempts to link Saddam
Hussein to September 11 or to terrorism, and has
offered scant new evidence of a security threat
from Iraq, there are other reasons for war. The
economy is sputtering, and a number of scandals
threaten to ruin this Presidency. The President
himself profited from accounting scams very
similar to those that brought down Enron, while
he was a director of Harken Energy Corporation.
Cheney is under even more suspicion for his
chairmanship at Halliburton, which includes --
among other things -- accounting irregularities
and his own $18.5 million profit from selling
stock not long before bad news about the
company became public. Then there is the most
massive intelligence failure in American history --
the ignored or unnoticed warning signals of
September 11.
Add in various corporate accountability
scandals (including Enron) and voters' anger and
disgust, and any of the likely domestic issues in
the November elections -- for example, Medicare
and prescription drugs, Social Security -- and it is
easy to see why this administration is eager to
embrace war. Without even a single shot being
fired, the Bush Administration has managed to
shove aside almost all the issues that could hurt
them politically, and focus the media's attention
on Iraq.
People have forgotten how much domestic
opposition there was to the first Gulf War, before
it started. For a while it looked like Congress
might not even give its approval, and opponents
organized the largest national anti-war
demonstration since the Vietnam era. But once the
war started, President George Bush I was able to
capitalize on the tendency, at the beginning of
every war, for people (including journalists and
politicians) to equate support for the war with
support for the troops that are in combat. The war
was over in a few weeks, US casualties were very
few, and as Adolph Hitler once noted, "the victor
will never be asked if he told the truth."
No one knows if Bush II can repeat this
scenario. First there is the problem of conquering
Iraq and running the country, despite its
geographic and ethnic divisions. And then there
are the economic consequences of the war: a
potentially serious spike in oil prices, and huge
costs (the last Gulf war cost $80 billion in today's
dollars).
But even if he can pull it off, Americans
will still lose. Aside from increasing hatred in the
rest of the world, there is a domestic cost to these
foreign adventures that pushes us toward the back
of the pack among developed nations in so many
areas that really matter: health insurance, poverty
rates, education, infant mortality. We lose because
we allow corrupt politicians to divert us from the
real issues here at home, simply by pointing a
finger overseas at the enemy-of-the-month. (Who
is usually a former friend and ally, as Saddam was
when he actually used his chemical weapons
against Iran, and Washington provided satellite
and intelligence data to help him).
Last year George W. Bush joked that "you
can fool some of the people, all of the time -- and
those are the ones you have to concentrate on." It
remains to be seen if he can fool enough people to
get this war going.
Mark Weisbrot is Co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research,
in Washington D.C. (www.cepr.net)
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