Israel's Six Day War, fought and won 35 years ago this week,
marked a sea change in the life of the U.S. Jewish community. It was
the fateful week when concerns about Israel and the Holocaust moved to
the center of Jewish concerns in this country. Today, the effects of
that change still sow seeds of insecurity in American Jewish life. This
insecurity hampers U.S. efforts to serve as an even-handed broker in
the Middle East.
It is easy to forget that before 1967 Jewish life here did not
focus on Israel or the Holocaust. In the early 1960s, the concerns and
values of Jews were virtually identical to those of their gentile
neighbors. Jews in the United States had gained a level of social
acceptance and security never before achieved anywhere else in the
Jewish Diaspora.
Then came the Six Day War of 1967. Millions of U.S. Jews felt,
far more strongly than before, that Israel's fate symbolized their own
fate and the fate of Jews all over the world. Virtually all Jews
claimed that Israel's very existence was threatened (though some
historians now question this claim).
It seemed only logical to conclude that Jews in the United
States, and around the world, faced another Holocaust. Rather than
celebrate its new-found security, American Jewry portrayed itself as an
outpost of an eternally endangered and embattled people.
Today, most Jews still embrace the religious vision that has
dominated U.S. Judaism since June 1967. The eminent historian of
Judaism, Rabbi Jacob Neusner, calls it "the Judaism of Holocaust and
Redemption." In this new form of Judaism, the prime religious
commandment is to ensure Jewish survival by supporting Israel. With
Israel the symbol of every Jew's fate, only the army of Israel, it
seems, stands between survival and another Holocaust. This gives
Israel's military actions a seemingly irrefutable ethical, and even
spiritual, legitimacy.
Why did this intense concern for Israel, the Holocaust, and
Jewish survival emerge so suddenly during the Six Day War? Part of the
answer lies in the pattern of U.S. Jewish history. Jews here have
always wanted to be somewhat distinctive without being too different.
In every generation, they have most often expressed their distinctive
identity in ways that fit the dominant patterns of U.S. society.
During the Six Day War, the Johnson administration supported
Israel, seeing it as a crucial U.S. surrogate in the Middle East.
Israel became a symbol of the Cold War battle against communism (though
Israel's opponents actually had little sympathy for the Soviets.) To be
pro-Israel was to be pro-American.
Cultural factors reinforced the political factors. In 1967,
most Jews were liberals. As mainstream liberals gradually embraced
visions of racial equality and turned against the Vietnam war, many
Jews sought (perhaps unconsciously) a way to define their identity that
would be compatible with these trends.
Jews were learning to see themselves as white people in a
nation whose people of color were demanding equal rights. They had to
ask themselves whether they were, indeed, among the oppressors rather
than the oppressed. Watching the horrors of Vietnam on television, they
began to ask themselves whether they, as Americans, were among the
oppressors of the world.
The Six Day War solved this problem. It allowed Jews to view
themselves not as oppressors, but as members of an oppressed group.
They could see their acts of self-assertion as morally valid, even when
those acts were deadly military strikes. So Jews could gather in their
synagogues to celebrate pride in Jewish power, which appeared to be
both military and moral.
It was the pride of an oppressed people fighting back to
prevent a new Holocaust. It was a pride that non-Jewish Americans could
readily understand and applaud. In June 1967, U.S. Jews found a set of
values distinctly their own, yet fully compatible with the values of
their gentile friends and neighbors.
This synergy has served Israel's interests well. "The Judaism
of Holocaust and Redemption" still permits many U.S. Jews, who have
unprecedented personal safety, to imagine themselves as members of an
oppressed and therefore insecure people. Out of that imagined
insecurity, they support, or at least tolerate, hard-line Israeli
policies that fuel Palestinian resistance and perpetuate the cycle of
violence. Most non-Jewish Americans do the same, and so does their
government.
The insecurity that grew out of the Six Day War led many Jews
to demand a pro-Israel tilt in U.S. policy. But that tilt, so evident
in the Bush administration and in Congress, makes it impossible for the
United States to play a role of neutral peacemaker in the Middle East.
The "special relationship" between the United States and
Israel now blocks the path to peace. If U.S. Jews need a peaceful and
secure Israel in order to feel secure themselves, the attitudes born in
June 1967, still block the path to their security, too.
Ira Chernus is a professor of religious studies at the University of
Colorado and a writer for the History News Service. chernus@spot.colorado.edu
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