The picture that has emerged from the chaos of Washington over the
past several days is a gruesome one. While evidence steadily grows of
a gross failure to prepare, despite overwhelming reason to do so, for
the possibility of terrorist attacks, the Bush administration has
been shameless in its frenzied efforts to evade responsibility and
prevent the American public from seeking the truth.
While National Security Adviser Condoleeza Rice approached the press
with a thirty-seven minute spiel that repeated the word 'general' or
'generalized' nineteen times in reference to prior warnings of
terrorist threats, Vice President Dick Cheney laid down a
thinly-veiled threat to "my democratic friends in Congress," warning
that "they need to be very cautious not to seek political advantage
by making incendiary suggestions" that the White House had
information which could have prevented the tragedy of September 11.
A chorus of administration apologists were quick to respond that
calls for investigation were, as Cheney suggested, "thoroughly
irresponsible and totally unworthy of national leaders in times of
war." Trent Lott accused dissidents of "talking like our enemy is
George W. Bush and not Osama bin Laden," while Senator Christopher S.
Bond explained that "the real story here is a bunch of Democrats
stumbling for anything to put a dent in the president's popularity."
However, these words ring suspiciously hollow to those who,
rightfully frightened of further terrorist attacks, expect the Bush
administration to learn from its mistakes instead of hiding them --
and these mistakes are becoming more glaring every day.
An intelligence summary given to Condoleeza Rice on June 28 stated
"it is highly likely that a significant al Qaeda attack is in the
near future, within several weeks." On July 5, a month and a day
before President Bush's now-infamous briefing on possible al Qaeda
hijacking, Richard Clarke, the government's top counterterrorism
official, warned that "something spectacular is going to happen here,
and it's going to happen soon." Unlike the July 10 FBI memo about
suspicious activity in Arizona flight schools, all this was common
knowledge within the White House -- and raises the question of why,
when the President received the report of August 6, he was on a
"working vacation" at his ranch in Texas.
"I knew [Osama bin Laden] was a menace and I knew he was a problem,"
Bush later said in a Washington Post interview. "But I didn't feel
that sense of urgency."
The indifference of our President in the face of such clear warning
seems inexplicable. So does his assertion that "never did we realize
that the enemy was so well organized," that al Qaeda "struck in a way
that was unimaginable." Rice verified this, saying that "I don't
think anyone could have predicted that . . . they would try to use an
airplane as a missile, a hijacked airplane as a missile." But the
organization of al Qaeda had been demonstrated numerous times, and
the use of airplanes as bombs imagined. Exactly two years before the
September 11 attacks, a federal report warned that "suicide bombers
belonging to al-Qaida's martyrdom battalion could crash-land an
aircraft packed with high explosives . . . into the Pentagon, the
headquarters of the CIA, the White House."
Given all this, it is unlikely that any amount of Administration
resistance will stop the investigations, and it is only a matter of
time before the press seizes on an FBI budget submitted by Attorney
General John Ashcroft on September 10.
Coming one day after Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld threatened
presidential veto of the Senate's proposed diversion of $600 million
to counterterrorism from ballistic missile defense, Ashcroft's budget
was decidedly cavalier about the prospect of terrorism. According to
a February 28 New York Times article, Ashcroft identified over one
dozen objectives more important than fighting terrorism, and rejected
an FBI request of $58 million for counterterrorism field agents,
intelligence analysts, and translators. In fact, he proposed cuts in
fourteen programs, including a $65 million cut for state and local
counterterrorism programs. By contrast, counterterrorism spending
under Janet Reno increased by over 25% from 1999 to 2001.
The September 10 FBI budget is a perfect symbol of the Bush
administration's failure to prepare for a wave of terrorism that even
then was accepted as inevitable and imminent. Their repeated denials
of specific foreknowledge of September 11 are misleading -- the real
issue is an irresponsibility bordering on the criminal, akin to a
landlord who knew his building was going to burn yet failed to buy
fire extinguishers. Administration backpedaling suddenly looks an
attempt to cover their tracks.
This, along with a practical appreciation for the value of a
dissent-free atmosphere in carrying out policies and retaining power,
has been the Bush administration's guiding mentality, and it is
making itself obvious in their rabid attempts to stifle the latest
debates. It is more than investigation of possible counterterrorism
oversight that they are resisting. They are resisting the erosion of
the dissent-free culture of political orthodoxy that has dominated
this nation's for the last eight months -- and it comes not a moment
too soon.
The President who couldn't even name the leader of Pakistan has
embarked on a foreign-policy nightmare. America has allied itself
with a number of flagrantly undemocratic nations, from Uzbekistan to
Malaysia. Evidence emerges almost daily of our probable role in an
aborted coup in Venezuela, while our support of a brutal civil war in
Columbia resembles the early years of Vietnam. One and a half million
troops are massed at the India-Pakistan border, ready to plunge the
Indian subcontinent into chaos. War with Iraq looms. The situation in
Israel and Palestine threatens to destabilize the entire region, and
our policies in the Holy Land risk birthing a new generation of
anti-American terrorists.
Meanwhile, the Bush administration has revived talk of using nuclear
weapons on a first-strike basis, overturned the 1972 Anti-Ballistic
Missile treaty, declined to sign a biological weapons treaty, hid our
own production of biological weapons, refused to recognize
International Criminal Court, held up the World Council on Children,
and -- after rejecting the Kyoto Accords -- replaced the head of the
International Panel on Climate Change. Domestically, we have an
energy policy written by the same people responsible for staging an
energy 'crisis' that cost the state of California $30 billion. The
denial of public inquiry into the matter was justified with an
invocation of, more or less, the divine right of kings -- fitting,
perhaps, given the administration's disregard of the Constitution in
the name of fighting terrorism.
To top it all off, contrary to Bush's campaign promises, our budget
deficit is at least $121 billion -- and, according to a note from
Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill in our government's 2001 financial
report, it may actually run to half a trillion dollars.
The time has come to lift the star-spangled shroud of silence that
has hidden the affairs of our nation.
Brandon Keim
is a freelance writer & graphic designer, born in Maine, currently
residing in Boston.
E-mail:brandonkeim@mindspring.com
www.djinnetic.org/blog
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