"The desert shook," the Government of India informed us (its
people).
"The whole mountain turned white," the Government of Pakistan
replied.
By afternoon the wind had fallen silent over Pokhran. At 3.45pm, the timer
detonated the three devices. Around 200 to 300m deep in the earth, the heat
generated was equivalent to a million degrees centigrade - as hot as
temperatures on the sun. Instantly, rocks weighing around a thousand tons, a
mini mountain underground, vaporized… shockwaves from the blast began to lift
a mound of earth the size of a football field by several meters. One scientist
on seeing it said, "I can now believe stories of Lord Krishna lifting a hill."
India Today
May 1998. It'll go down in history books, provided of course we have history
books to go down in. Provided, of course, we have a future.
There's nothing new or original left to be said about nuclear weapons. There
can be nothing more humiliating for a writer of fiction to have to do than
restate a case that has, over the years, already been made by other people in
other parts of the world, and made passionately, eloquently and knowledgeably.
I am prepared to grovel. To humiliate myself abjectly, because, in the
circumstances, silence would be indefensible. So those of you who are willing:
let's pick our parts, put on these discarded costumes and speak our second-hand
lines in this sad secondhand play. But let's not forget that the stakes we're
playing for are huge. Our fatigue and our shame could mean the end of us. The
end of our children and our children's children. Of everything we love. We have
to reach within ourselves and find the strength to think. To fight.
Once again we are pitifully behind the times - not just scientifically and
technologically (ignore the hollow claims) but more pertinently in our ability
to grasp the true nature of nuclear weapons. Our Comprehension of the Horror
Department is hopelessly obsolete. Here we are, all of us in India and in
Pakistan, discussing the finer points of politics and foreign policy, behaving
for all the world as though our governments have just devised a newer, bigger bomb, a sort of immense hand
grenade with which they will annihilate the enemy (each other) and protect us
from all harm.
How desperately we want to believe that. What wonderful, willing,
well-behaved, gullible subjects we have turned out to be. The rest of humanity
may not forgive us, but then the rest of the rest of humanity, depending on who
fashions its views, may not know what a tired, dejected, heart-broken people we
are. Perhaps it doesn't realize how urgently we need a miracle. How deeply we
yearn for magic.
If only, if only nuclear war was just another kind of war. If only it was
about the usual things - nations and territories, gods and histories. If only
those of us who dread it are worthless moral cowards who are not prepared to
die in defense of our beliefs. If only nuclear war was the kind of war in which
countries battle countries, and men battle men.
But it isn't. If there is a nuclear war, our foes will not be China or
America or even each other. Our foe will be the earth herself. Our cities and
forests, our fields and villages will burn for days. Rivers will turn to
poison. The air will become fire. The wind will spread the flames. When
everything there is to burn has burned and the fires die, smoke will rise and
shut out the sun. The earth will be enveloped in darkness. There will be no day
- only interminable night. What shall we do then, those of us who are still
alive? Burned and blind and bald and ill, carrying the cancerous carcasses of
our children in our arms, where shall we go? What shall we eat? What shall we
drink? What shall we breathe?
The Head of the Health, Environment and Safety Group of the Bhabha Atomic
Research Center in Bombay has a plan. He declared that India could survive
nuclear war. His advice is that in the event of nuclear war we take the same
safety measures as the ones that scientists have recommended in the event of
accidents at nuclear plants. Take iodine pills, he suggests. And other steps
such as remaining indoors, consuming only stored water and food and avoiding
milk. Infants should be given powdered milk. "People in the danger zone
should immediately go to the ground floor and if possible to the
basement."
What do you do with these levels of lunacy? What do you do if you're trapped
in an asylum and the doctors are all dangerously deranged?
Ignore it, it's just a novelist's naiveté, they'll tell you, Doomsday
Prophet hyperbole. It'll never come to that. There will be no war. Nuclear
weapons are about peace, not war. "Deterrence" is the buzz word of
the people who like to think of themselves as hawks. (Nice birds, those. Cool.
Stylish. Predatory. Pity there won't be many of them around after the war.
Extinction is a word we must try to get used to.) Deterrence is an old thesis
that has been resurrected and is being recycled with added local flavor. The
Theory of Deterrence cornered the credit for having prevented the cold war from
turning into a third world war. The only immutable fact about the third world
war is that, if there's going to be one, it will be fought after the second
world war. In other words, there's no fixed schedule.
The Theory of Deterrence has some fundamental flaws. Flaw Number One is that
it presumes a complete, sophisticated understanding of the psychology of your
enemy. It assumes that what deters you (the fear of annihilation) will deter
them. What about those who are not deterred by that? The suicide bomber psyche
- the "We'll take you with us" school - is that an outlandish
thought? How did Rajiv Gandhi die?
In any case who's the "you" and who's the "enemy"? Both
are only governments. Governments change. They wear masks within masks. They
molt and reinvent themselves all the time. The one we have at the moment, for
instance, does not even have enough seats to last a full term in office, but
demands that we trust it to do pirouettes and party tricks with nuclear bombs
even as it scrabbles around for a foothold to maintain a simple majority in
Parliament.
Flaw Number Two is that deterrence is premised on fear. But fear is premised
on knowledge. On an understanding of the true extent and scale of the devastation
that nuclear war will wreak. It is not some inherent, mystical attribute of
nuclear bombs that they automatically inspire thoughts of peace. On the
contrary, it is the endless, tireless, confrontational work of people who have
had the courage to openly denounce them, the marches, the demonstrations, the
films, the outrage - that is what has averted, or perhaps only postponed,
nuclear war. Deterrence will not and cannot work given the levels of ignorance
and illiteracy that hang over our two countries like dense, impenetrable veils.
India and Pakistan have nuclear bombs now and feel entirely justified in
having them. Soon others will too. Israel, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Norway,
Nepal (I'm trying to be eclectic here), Denmark, Germany, Bhutan, Mexico, Lebanon,
Sri Lanka, Burma, Bosnia, Singapore, North Korea, Sweden, South Korea, Vietnam,
Cuba, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan… and why not? Every country in the world has a
special case to make. Everybody has borders and beliefs.
And when all our larders are bursting with shiny bombs and our bellies are
empty (deterrence is an exorbitant beast), we can trade bombs for food. And
when nuclear technology goes on the market, when it gets truly competitive and
prices fall, not just governments but anybody who can afford it can have their
own private arsenal - businessmen, terrorists, perhaps even the occasional rich
writer (like me). Our planet will bristle with beautiful missiles. There will
be a new world order. The dictatorship of the pro-nuke elite.
But let us pause to give credit where it's due. Who must we thank for all
this? The men who made it happen. The Masters of the Universe. Ladies and
gentlemen, the United States of America! Come on up here folks, stand up and
take a bow. Thank you for doing this to the world. Thank you for making a
difference. Thank you for showing us the way. Thank you for altering the very
meaning of life.
From now on it is not dying we must fear, but living. All I can say to every
man, woman and sentient child in India, and over there, just a little way away
in Pakistan, is: take it personally. Whoever you are - Hindu, Muslim, urban,
agrarian - it doesn't matter. The only good thing about nuclear war is that it
is the single most egalitarian idea that man has ever had. On the day of
reckoning, you will not be asked to present your credentials. The devastation
will be indiscriminate. The bomb isn't in your backyard. It's in your body. And
mine. Nobody, no nation, no government, no man, no god has the right to put it
there. We're radioactive already, and the war hasn't even begun. So stand up
and say something. Never mind if it's been said before. Speak up on your own
behalf. Take it very personally.
In early May (before the bomb), I left home for three weeks. I thought I would
return. I had every intention of returning. Of course things haven't worked out
quite the way I had planned.
While I was away, I met a friend whom I have always loved for, among other
things, her ability to combine deep affection with a frankness that borders on
savagery. "I've been thinking about you," she said, "about The
God of Small Things - what's in it, what's over it, under it, around it, above
it…"
She fell silent for a while. I was uneasy and not at all sure that I wanted
to hear the rest of what she had to say. She, however, was sure that she was
going to say it. "In this last year - less than a year actually - you've
had too much of everything - fame, money, prizes, adulation, criticism,
condemnation, ridicule, love, hate, anger, envy, generosity - everything. In
some ways it's a perfect story. Perfectly baroque in its excess. The trouble is
that it has, or can have, only one perfect ending."
Her eyes were on me, bright with a slanting, probing brilliance. She knew
that I knew what she was going to say. She was insane. She was going to say
that nothing that happened to me in the future could ever match the buzz of
this. That the whole of the rest of my life was going to be vaguely
unsatisfying. And, therefore, the only perfect ending to the story would be
death. My death.
The thought had occurred to me too. Of course it had. The fact that all
this, this global dazzle - these lights in my eyes, the applause, the flowers,
the photographers, the journalists feigning a deep interest in my life (yet
struggling to get a single fact straight), the men in suits fawning over me,
the shiny hotel bathrooms with endless towels - none of it was likely to happen
again. Would I miss it? Had I grown to need it? Was I a fame-junkie? Would I
have withdrawal symptoms?
The more I thought about it, the clearer it became to me that if fame was
going to be my permanent condition it would kill me. Club me to death with its
good manners and hygiene. I'll admit that I've enjoyed my own five minutes of
it immensely, but primarily because it was just five minutes. Because I knew
(or thought I knew) that I could go home when I was bored and giggle about it.
Grow old and irresponsible. Eat mangoes in the moonlight. Maybe write a couple
of failed books - worstsellers - to see what it felt like. For a whole year
I've cartwheeled across the world, anchored always to thoughts of home and the
life I would go back to.
Contrary to all the inquiries and predictions about my impending emigration,
that was the well I dipped into. That was my sustenance. My strength. I told my
friend there was no such thing as a perfect story. I said that in any case hers
was an external view of things, this assumption that the trajectory of a
person's happiness, or let's say fulfillment, had peaked (and now must trough)
because she had accidentally stumbled upon "success". It was premised
on the unimaginative belief that wealth and fame were the mandatory stuff of
everybody's dreams.
You've lived too long in New York, I told her. There are other worlds. Other
kinds of dreams. Dreams in which failure is feasible, honorable, sometimes
even worth striving for. Worlds in which recognition is not the only barometer
of brilliance or human worth. There are plenty of warriors I know and love,
people far more valuable than myself, who go to war each day, knowing in
advance that they will fail. True, they are less "successful" in the
most vulgar sense of the word, but by no means less fulfilled.
The only dream worth having, I told her, is to dream that you will live
while you're alive and die only when you're dead. (Prescience? Perhaps.)
"Which means exactly what?" (Arched eyebrows, a little annoyed.)
I tried to explain, but didn't do a very good job of it. Sometimes I need to
write to think. So I wrote it down for her on a paper napkin. This is what I
wrote:
To love. To be loved. To never forget your own insignificance. To never get
used to the unspeakable violence and the vulgar disparity of life around you.
To seek joy in the saddest places. To pursue beauty to its lair. To never
simplify what is complicated or complicate what is simple. To respect strength,
never power. Above all, to watch. To try and understand. To never look away.
And never, never to forget.
I've known her for many years, this friend of mine. She's an architect too.
She looked dubious, somewhat unconvinced by my paper napkin speech. I could
tell that structurally, just in terms of the sleek, narrative symmetry of
things, and because she loves me, her thrill at my "success" was so
keen, so generous, that it weighed in evenly with her (anticipated) horror at
the idea of my death. I understood that it was nothing personal… Just a design
thing.
Anyhow, two weeks after that conversation, I returned to India. To what I
think/thought of as home. Something had died but it wasn't me. It was
infinitely more precious. It was a world that has been ailing for a while, and
has finally breathed its last. It's been cremated now. The air is thick with
ugliness and there's the unmistakable stench of fascism on the breeze.
Day after day, in newspaper editorials, on the radio, on TV chat shows, on
MTV for heaven's sake, people whose instincts one thought one could trust -
writers, painters, journalists - make the crossing. The chill seeps into my
bones as it becomes painfully apparent from the lessons of everyday life that
what you read in history books is true. That fascism is indeed as much about
people as about governments. That it begins at home. In drawing rooms. In
bedrooms. In beds.
"Explosion of self-esteem", "Road to Resurgence",
"A Moment of Pride", these were headlines in the papers in the days
following the nuclear tests. "We have proved that we are not eunuchs any
more," said Mr Thackeray of the Shiv Sena (Whoever said we were? True, a
good number of us are women, but that, as far as I know, isn't the same thing.)
Reading the papers, it was often hard to tell when people were referring to
Viagra (which was competing for second place on the front pages) and when they
were talking about the bomb - "We have superior strength and
potency." (This was our Minister for Defense after Pakistan completed its
tests.) "These are not just nuclear tests, they are nationalism
tests," we were repeatedly told.
This has been hammered home, over and over again. The bomb is India. India
is the bomb. Not just India, Hindu India. Therefore, be warned, any criticism
of it is not just ant-national but anti-Hindu. (Of course in Pakistan the bomb
is Islamic. Other than that, politically, the same physics applies.) This is one
of the unexpected perks of having a nuclear bomb. Not only can the government
use it to threaten the Enemy, they can use it to declare war on their own
people. Us.
When I told my friends that I was writing this piece, they cautioned me.
"Go ahead," they said, "but first make sure you're not
vulnerable. Make sure your papers are in order. Make sure your taxes are
paid."
My papers are in order. My taxes are paid. But how can one not be vulnerable
in a climate like this? Everyone is vulnerable. Accidents happen. There's
safety only in acquiescence. As I write, I am filled with foreboding. In this
country, I have truly known what it means for a writer to feel loved (and, to
some degree, hated too). Last year I was one of the items being paraded in the
media's end-of-the-year National Pride Parade. Among the others, much to my
mortification, were a bomb-maker and an international beauty queen. Each time a
beaming person stopped me on the street and said "You have made India
proud" (referring to the prize I won, not the book I wrote), I felt a
little uneasy. It frightened me then and it terrifies me now, because I know
how easily that swell, that tide of emotion, can turn against me. Perhaps the
time for that has come. I'm going to step out from under the fairy lights and
say what's on my mind.
It's this: If protesting against having a nuclear bomb implanted in my brain
is anti-Hindu and anti-national, then I secede. I hereby declare myself an
independent, mobile republic. I am a citizen of the earth. I own no territory.
I have no flag. I'm female, but have nothing against eunuchs. My policies are
simple. I'm willing to sign any nuclear non-proliferation treaty or nuclear
test ban treaty that's going. Immigrants are welcome. You can help me design
our flag.
My world has died. And I write to mourn its passing. India's nuclear tests,
the manner in which they were conducted, the euphoria with which they have been
greeted (by us) is indefensible. To me, it signifies dreadful things. The end
of imagination.
On the 15th of August last year we celebrated the 50th anniversary of
India's independence. Next May we can mark our first anniversary in nuclear
bondage.
Why did they do it? Political expediency is the obvious, cynical answer,
except that it only raises another, more basic question: Why should it have
been politically expedient? The three Official Reasons given are: China,
Pakistan and Exposing Western Hypocrisy.
Taken at face value, and examined individually, they're somewhat baffling.
I'm not for a moment suggesting that these are not real issues. Merely that
they aren't new. The only new thing on the old horizon is the Indian
government. In his appallingly cavalier letter to the US president our prime
minister says India's decision to go ahead with the nuclear tests was due to a
"deteriorating security environment". He goes on to mention the war
with China in 1962 and the "three aggressions we have suffered in the last
50 years [from Pakistan]. And for the last 10 years we have been the victim of
unremitting terrorism and militancy sponsored by it . . . especially in Jammu
and Kashmir."
The war with China is 35 years old. Unless there's some vital state secret
that we don't know about, it certainly seemed as though matters had improved
slightly between us. The most recent war with Pakistan was fought 27 years ago.
Admittedly Kashmir continues to be a deeply troubled region and no doubt
Pakistan is gleefully fanning the flames. But surely there must be flames to
fan in the first place?
As for the third Official Reason: Exposing Western Hypocrisy - how much more
exposed can they be? Which decent human being on earth harbors any illusions
about it? These are people whose histories are spongy with the blood of others.
Colonialism, apartheid, slavery, ethnic cleansing, germ warfare, chemical
weapons, they virtually invented it all. They have plundered nations, snuffed
out civilizations, exterminated entire populations. They stand on the world's
stage stark naked but entirely unembarrassed, because they know that they have
more money, more food and bigger bombs than anybody else. They know they can
wipe us out in the course of an ordinary working day. Personally, I'd say it is
arrogance more than hypocrisy.
We have less money, less food and smaller bombs. However, we have, or had,
all kinds of other wealth. Delightful, unquantifiable. What we've done with it
is the opposite of what we think we've done. We've pawned it all. We've traded
it in. For what? In order to enter into a contract with the very people we
claim to despise.
All in all, I think it is fair to say that we're the hypocrites. We're the
ones who've abandoned what was arguably a moral position - i.e.. We have the
technology, we can make bombs if we want to, but we won't. We don't believe in
them. We're the ones who have now set up this craven clamoring to be admitted
into the club of superpowers. For India to demand the status of a superpower is
as ridiculous as demanding to play in the World Cup finals simply because we
have a ball. Never mind that we haven't qualified, or that we don't play much
soccer and haven't got a team.
We are a nation of nearly a billion people. In development terms we rank No
138 out of the 175 countries listed in the UNDP's Human Development Index (even
Ghana and Sri Lanka rank above us). More than 400 million of our people are
illiterate and live in absolute poverty, more than 600 million lack even basic
sanitation and more than 200 million have no safe drinking water.
The nuclear bomb and the demolition of the Barbi Masjid in Ayodhya are both
part of the same political process. They are hideous byproducts for a nation's
search for herself. Of India's efforts to forge a national identity. The poorer
the nation, the larger the numbers of illiterate people and the more morally
bankrupt her leaders, the cruder and more dangerous the notion of what that
identity is or should be.
The jeering, hooting young men who battered down the Babri Masjid are the
same ones whose pictures appeared in the papers in the days that followed the
nuclear tests. They were on the streets, celebrating India's nuclear bomb and
simultaneously "condemning Western Culture" by emptying crates of
Coke and Pepsi into public drains. I'm a little baffled by their logic: Coke is
Western Culture, but the nuclear bomb is an old Indian tradition?
Yes, I've heard - the bomb is in the Vedas [ancient Hindu scriptures]. It
might be, but if you look hard enough you'll find Coke in the Vedas too. That's
the great thing about all religious texts. You can find anything you want in
them - as long as you know what you're looking for.
But returning to the subject of the non-vedic 1990s: we storm the heart of
whiteness, we embrace the most diabolical creation of western science and call
it our own. But we protest against their music, their food, their clothes,
their cinema and their literature. That's not hypocrisy. That's humor. It's
funny enough to make a skull smile.
We're back on the old ship. The SS Authenticity & Indianness. If there
is going to be a pro-authenticity/anti-national drive, perhaps the government
ought to get its history straight and its facts right. If they're going to do
it, they may as well do it properly.
First of all, the original inhabitants of this land were not Hindu. Ancient
though it is, there were human beings on earth before there was Hinduism.
India's tribal people have a greater claim to being indigenous to this land
than anybody else, and how are they treated by the state and its minions?
Oppressed, cheated, robbed of their lands, shunted around like surplus goods.
Perhaps a good place to start would be to restore to them the dignity that was
once theirs. Perhaps the government could make a public undertaking that more
dams of this kind will not be built, that more people will not be displaced.
But of course that would be inconceivable, wouldn't it? Why? Because it's
impractical. Because tribal people don't really matter. Their histories, their
customs, their deities are dispensable. They must learn to sacrifice these
things for the greater good of the Nation (that has snatched from them
everything they ever had).
Okay, so that's out. For the rest, I could compile a practical list of
things to ban and buildings to break. It'll need some research, but off the top
of my head here are a few suggestions. They could begin by banning a number of
ingredients from our cuisine: chilies (Mexico), tomatoes (Peru), potatoes
(Bolivia), coffee (Morocco), tea, white sugar, cinnamon (China) . . . they could
then move into recipes. Tea with milk and sugar, for instance (Britain).
Smoking will be out of the question. Tobacco came from North America.
Cricket, English and Democracy should be forbidden. Either kabaddi or kho-kho
could replace cricket. I don't want to start a riot, so I hesitate to suggest a
replacement for English. (Italian? It has found its way to us via a kinder
route: marriage, not imperialism.)
All hospitals in which western medicine is practiced or prescribed should be
shut down. All national newspapers discontinued. The railways dismantled.
Airports closed. And what about our newest toy - the mobile phone? Can we live
without it, or shall I suggest that they make an exception there? They could
put it down in the column marked "Universal"? (Only essential
commodities will be included here. No music, art or literature.) Needless to
say, sending your children to university in the US, and rushing there yourself
to have your prostate operated upon will be a cognizable offense.
It will be a long, long list. It would take years of work. I could not use a
computer because that wouldn't be very authentic of me, would it?
I don't mean to be facetious, merely to point out that this is surely the
short cut to hell. There's no such thing as an Authentic India or a Real
Indian. There is no Divine Committee that has the right to sanction one single,
authorized version of what India is or should be.
Railing against the past will not heal us. History has happened. It's over
and done with. All we can do is to change its course by encouraging what we
love instead of destroying what we don't. There is beauty yet in this brutal,
damaged world of ours. Hidden, fierce, immense. Beauty that is uniquely ours
and beauty that we have received with grace from others, enhanced, re-invented
and made our own. We have to seek it out, nurture it, love it. Making bombs
will only destroy us. It doesn't matter whether we use them or not. They will
destroy us either way.
India's nuclear bomb is the final act of betrayal by a ruling class that has
failed its people.
However many garlands we heap on our scientists, however many medals we pin
to their chests, the truth is that it's far easier to make a bomb than to
educate four hundred million people.
According to opinion polls, we're expected to believe that there's a
national consensus on the issue. It's official now. Everybody loves the bomb.
(Therefore the bomb is good.)
Is it possible for a man who cannot write his own name to even the basic,
elementary facts about the nature of nuclear weapons? Has anybody told him that
nuclear war has nothing at all to do with his received notions of war? Nothing
to do with honor, nothing to do with pride. Has anybody bothered to explain to
him about thermal blasts, radioactive fallout and the nuclear winter? Are there
even words in his language to describe the concepts of enriched uranium,
fissile material and critical mass? Or has his language itself become obsolete?
Is he trapped in a time capsule, watching the world pass him by, unable to
understand or communicate with it because his language never took into account
the horrors that the human race would dream up? Does he not matter at all, this
man?
I'm not talking about one man, of course, I'm talking about millions and
millions of people who live in this country. This is their land too, you know.
They have the right to make an informed decision about its fate and, as far as
I can tell, nobody has informed them about anything. The tragedy is that nobody
could, even if they wanted to. Truly, literally, there's no language to do it
in. This is the real horror of India. The orbits of the powerful and the
powerless spinning further and further apart from each other, never
intersecting, sharing nothing. Not a language. Not even a country.
Who the hell conducted those opinion polls? Who the hell is the prime
minister to decide whose finger will be on the nuclear button that could turn
everything we love - our earth, our skies, our mountains, our plains, our
rivers, our cities and villages - to ash in an instant? Who the hell is he to
reassure us that there will be no accidents? How does he know? Why should we
trust him? What has he ever done to make us trust him? What have any of them
ever done to make us trust them?
The nuclear bomb is the most anti-democratic, anti-national, anti-human,
outright evil thing that man has ever made. If you are religious, then remember
that this bomb is Man's challenge to God. It's worded quite simply: We have the
power to destroy everything that You have created.
If you're not religious, then look at it this way. This world of ours is
four thousand, six hundred million years old. It could end in an afternoon.
© Guardian Newspapers Limited 2002
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