Days after their son Greg died in the World Trade Center terror, Phyllis
and Orlando Rodriguez wrote a letter to the New York Times that
counseled against “violent revenge, with the prospect of sons,
daughters, parents, friends in distant lands dying, suffering, and
nursing further grievances against us. It is not the way to go. It will
not avenge our son’s death. Not in our son’s name. Our son died a victim
of an inhuman ideology…. Let us not as a nation add to the inhumanity of
our times.”
The New York Times didn’t publish the letter: It is just one of the
crucial items of information that have been distributed since Sept. 11
to vast numbers of people using the Internet. Grassroots networks have
used email to breach the barricades erected by U.S. mainstream media --
much like underground samizdat literature was passed from hand to hand
in the old Soviet Union. Post-Sept. 11 samizdat ranges from interviews
with Noam Chomsky to essays by Indian novelist Arundhati Roy to
frontline dispatches by Robert Fisk of the London Independent.
One of the most fascinating items of Internet samizdat is a 1998
interview with Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Jimmy Carter’s national
security advisor, conducted by the French publication Le Nouvel
Observateur. In the interview -- translated by author and CIA critic
William Blum -- Brzezinski boasts that the CIA was supporting guerilla
activities inside Afghanistan six months before the Soviet intervention,
taking steps to “induce” the Soviets to intervene:
BRZEZINSKI: According to the official version of history, CIA aid to the
Mujaheddin began during 1980, that is to say, after the Soviet army
invaded Afghanistan, Dec. 24, 1979. But the reality, secretly guarded
until now, is completely otherwise: Indeed, it was July 3, 1979 that
President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the
opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul. And that very day, I wrote
a note to the president in which I explained to him that in my opinion
this aid was going to induce a Soviet military intervention.
LNO: Despite this risk, you were an advocate of this covert action. But
perhaps you yourself desired this Soviet entry into war and looked to
provoke it?
BRZEZINSKI: It isn't quite that. We didn't push the Russians to
intervene, but we knowingly increased the probability that they would.
LNO: When the Soviets justified their intervention by asserting that
they intended to fight against a secret involvement of the United States
in Afghanistan, people didn't believe them. However, there was a basis
of truth. You don't regret anything today?
BRZEZINSKI: Regret what? That secret operation was an excellent idea.
It had the effect of drawing the Russians into the Afghan trap and you
want me to regret it? The day the Soviets officially crossed the border,
I wrote to President Carter: We now have the opportunity of giving to
the USSR its Vietnam war.…
LNO: And neither do you regret having supported the Islamic
fundamentalism, having given arms and advice to future terrorists?
BRZEZINSKI: What is most important to the history of the world? The
Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up Muslims or
the liberation of Central Europe and the end of the cold war?
Interviewed in Oct. 2001 by columnist David Corn, Brzezinski said he
still had no regrets about launching the Afghan covert operation,
knowing it would likely induce the Cold War foe to fall into a trap.
The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan was indeed Vietnam-like in its
brutality, killing more than a million Afghans and helping to tear apart
a country that in 1979 had relatively little religious fanaticism and
was making advances in the status of women.
In the upheaval, Afghanistan became a base for terrorists. Yet
mainstream U.S. journalists refuse to mention the Nouvel Observateur
interview and fail to ask Brzezinski obvious questions about how his
Afghan policy may have helped us get into the current crisis. Instead,
mainstream media repeatedly present Brzezinski and other former US
foreign policymakers as omniscient seers whose wise counsel can get us
out of the crisis.
Network TV doesn’t ask tough questions of George Shultz, recently
introduced by a CNN anchor as “one of the most respected public servants
to ever serve this nation.” Shultz was the secretary of state in 1986
when the CIA expanded its covert operation -- in alliance with Osama bin
Laden -- recruiting and training Islamist militants from around the
world to fight in Afghanistan. In 1986, the Gorbachev-led Soviet Union
was seeking an exit from Afghanistan while the U.S. government
intensified its arming of “stirred-up Muslims.”
Clinton foreign policy chieftains Madeleine Albright and Sandy Berger
are frequently served up by U.S. mass media as sages on how to respond
to the Sept. 11 terror. They are obligingly not asked why they ignored
their own intelligence analysts who questioned the targeting of the Al
Shifa pharmaceutical factory in Sudan, which was leveled in 1998 by U.S.
cruise missiles in “retaliation against terrorism.” The plant produced
much of the medicine for an impoverished country; the U.S. struck
without credible evidence that Al Shifa was linked to bin Laden or to
chemical weapons, and later blocked a United Nations probe into the
attack.
Nor has Albright been asked whether she still feels that even if
sanctions against Iraq have led to the deaths of half a million
children, “the price is worth it” -- as she said in a quote from a 1996
“60 Minutes” interview that circulates widely on the Net. Although
issues like Al Shifa and the plight of Iraqi kids loom large in Islamic
countries, they are virtually off-limits when U.S. journalists interview
policy makers, past or present.
The Internet is abuzz with reports on how U.S. coziness with the Taliban
regime in the mid-1990s was heavily influenced by the Unocal company’s
plan to build a $4.5 billion pipeline project through Afghanistan, with
Taliban blessings. The lobbyists and consultants hired by Unocal to
promote closer U.S.-Taliban relations haven’t been publicly questioned
about their Unocal work by mainstream media. They include Henry
Kissinger, former U.S. ambassador to Pakistan Robert Oakley and Zalmay
Khalilzad, now George W. Bush’s National Security Council expert on
Afghanistan.
A free press would be debating the issue of Washington’s relations with
Islamist extremists in Afghanistan and elsewhere, and whether such
movements are bred by U.S. policy committed to suppressing secular
reformers and leftists in Islamic countries. When the CIA funded the
Afghan Mujaheddin in 1979 before the Soviet occupation, it hoped to
destabilize a secular, Soviet-friendly government (initially led by Nur
Mohammed Taraki and Hafizullah Amin), which supported land reform and
rights for women.
As a U.S. State Department memo stated at the time: “The United States’
larger interest would be served by the demise of the Taraki-Amin regime,
despite whatever setbacks this might mean for future social and economic
reforms in Afghanistan.”
Jeff Cohen is the founder of the media watch group FAIR and a panelist
on the Fox News Channel's "News Watch" program.
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