REMEMBER California's energy crisis? It illustrated the political
strategy of the Bush administration before September 11. The basic principle
of this strategy was that crises weren't problems to be solved. Instead, they
were opportunities to advance an agenda that had nothing to do with the crisis
at hand.
It is now clear that, at least as far as domestic policy is concerned, the
administration views terrorism as another useful crisis.
Let's recall the California story. Between November 2000 and June 2001, a
shortage of electric generating capacity, exacerbated by the puzzling fact
that much of this capacity stood idle, led to power outages and extremely high
prices.
The appropriate response was obvious. First, encourage conservation until
new capacity could be added; second, temporarily cap prices, both to limit the
financial damage and to discourage power companies from manipulating the
market.
But Vice President Dick Cheney dismissed conservation as a mere "sign of
personal virtue," and administration officials waved aside pleas for a price
ceiling. Instead, they used California's woes to push for large subsidies to
the coal industry, and, of course, drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge. We never did learn what all this had to do with electricity generation.
Now to the present. After September 11, we need to spend substantial sums
on reconstruction and homeland security, and the sagging economy could use a
temporary stimulus. But George W. Bush has threatened to veto any additional
domestic spending beyond the $40 billion already agreed upon. And the
administration favors "stimulus" proposals that have nothing to do with
helping the economy, but everything to do with its usual tax-cutting agenda.
The stimulus package introduced by Senate Democrats isn't perfect, by a
long shot. But at least $70 billion of its $90 billion is real stimulus, in
the form of temporary investment incentives, temporary grants of income
support and medical care to the unemployed, and checks to low-income families
who are likely to spend them.
The administration, however, favors the Senate Republicans' proposal; while
that bill is less lurid than the one passed by the House, with its huge
retroactive tax cuts for big corporations, over all it's just as bad. It would
cost $220 billion over three years; less than $20 billion of that seems to
have anything to do with economic stimulus.
The rest of the proposal consists of tax cuts for corporations and high-
income individuals, structured in such a way that they will do little to
increase spending during the recession.
Why does the administration's favored bill offer so little stimulus?
Because that's not its purpose: It's really designed to lock in permanent tax
cuts for corporations and the wealthy, using the September 11 attacks as an
excuse.
Ten months into the Bush administration, we've all gotten used to this. But
politics, while never completely clean, didn't used to be this cynical. We
used to see bills like the Democratic stimulus package: mostly serving their
ostensible purpose, with the special-interest add-ons a distinctly secondary
feature. It's something new to see crises -- especially a crisis as shocking
as the terrorist attack -- consistently addressed with legislation that does
almost nothing to address the actual problem, and is almost entirely aimed at
advancing a pre-existing agenda.
Oh, by the way: The administration is once again pushing for drilling in
the Arctic. You see, it's essential to the fight against terrorism.
©2001 N.Y. Times Service / SF Gate
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