Most of us over the age of forty can remember the old television show about
the Lone Ranger, who galloped along on his white horse followed by his
sidekick, Tonto. The Lone Ranger always knew who the good guys were and
where the bad guys hung out, and he always managed to arrive just in the
nick of time. He always saved the girl -- or the farm, the cattle or the
pioneers -- and then modestly refusing gratitude, he rode off into the
sunset as someone inevitably asked, 'Who was that masked man?'
The Lone Ranger was just a character in a long-outdated TV show. And yet
there are parallels between that fictional character and our own country's
behavior in the international community. We speak and act as though other
nations were our sidekicks or followers, with nothing to offer us but their
admiration. We seem sure of where the line divides the good guys from the
bad guys, and we think we know how to deal with the bad guys, no matter what
anyone else might say. We ourselves are never the bad guys, no matter what
suffering might come from our actions. We ride off into the sunset and
rarely look back to find out how the story ends, as the dust from our action
finally settles.
At a time when we need friends in the world as never before, it has been
shocking to hear again the voice of the Lone Ranger, instructing the other
countries of the world that they are either with us or against us. Despite
warnings and pleas from nations with far more knowledge of the religious and
political realities, we have gone into Afghanistan in what appears to be the
only way we know how: something akin to trying to kill a hornet swarm with a
submachine gun.
We need to tell the truth about our bombing campaign in Afghanistan. There
is nothing left in that devastated country to use as a target for our
enormous weapons. Our top-of-the-line smart bombs have been dropped on the
same Red Cross relief station twice, and each day brings the wretched news
of children, women and noncombatant men killed.
Fighting terrorists is like fighting ghosts: they are never where we are
aiming; they seem to come out of the walls and floors we had believed were
solid, and they slip away only to reappear when we least expect it. And like
ghosts, terrorists can be born of the dead. In the unlikely event that we
actually kill Osama bin Laden, he is likely to prove more powerful an
inspiration dead than he has been alive.
Here is a hard truth most of the rest of the world has known for a long
time: there is no absolute safety. There is no way to be sure, finally and
forever, that someone will not do us harm. We will not become safe if we
sanction racial profiling or throw out of our country everyone who comes
from the Middle East. We will not become safe by whittling away at our civil
liberties, increasing police powers and quietly stifling doubt and dissent.
We certainly won't become safe through the blatant corporate give-aways
being arranged right now as slippery, cynical attachments to new defense
spending. And we will not become safe by bombing Afghanistan.
But there are things we can do to become safer. Right at the top of the list
is the choice to relinquish our lovely fictions about being the world's Lone
Ranger. There is nothing we can do that has consequences only for ourselves;
we share a very small stage, and there is no sunset into which the Lone
Ranger can ride. The intimacy brought about by our permeable borders and
merged economies calls us toward a democracy we've been reluctant to
practice outside our borders, however jealously we've guarded it within
them. Democracy listens intently to the voices of all concerned, in order
to discern the wise course of action through the collective wisdom.
The current collective wisdom has been trying urgently to tell us that Osama
bin Laden is more important as an idea than he is as a person. As an idea,
he will live and multiply if we do precisely what we are doing right now. At
other times in our history, we have understood the wisdom of combating a bad
or destructive idea with a better one, and there are some better ideas out
there than bombing an already devastated land. The United Nations estimates
that well over seven million Afghan refugees are now in danger of death by
starvation and exposure. Seven million beating hearts, each singular,
frightened one of them connected to us by what we do or fail to do.
What might happen in the seething refugee camps and angry cities of Pakistan
if we immediately stopped the bombing and poured our efforts into food and
shelter for these seven million souls? Maybe the ghosts of terrorism would
begin to starve, as we, their putative enemy, fed the living while it was
still possible, clothed the naked, gave shelter and care to the sick. At
the very least we would know we were acting out of the soul of our soul,
living up to who we believe ourselves to be. And if we did it well, surely
we would see the ranks of the terrorists begin to dwindle: it is hard to
demonize those who save the life of your child.
We are the most powerful nation in the world, economically and militarily.
No nation in the world disputes that strength. But in our national soul of
souls, we have never believed that we should lead other nations merely
because we're the strongest; that is the leadership of the bully and the
despot. Power does not equal authority, and what we really yearn for is
authority: the leadership that is born of wisdom under fire and goodness
that sees beyond our own self-interest. Such wisdom and goodness are born
from acting in the world as though we know we share it with everyone else.
Rev. Kathleen McTigue is Senior Minister to the Unitarian Society of New
Haven in Hamden, CT
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