As
an increasingly crude 2000 election campaign clawed its way toward
what could well be a dispiriting conclusion, I buoyed my spirits
with a visit to the political graveyard. There, I sat for a bit
with the last presidential candidate to take so sustained a political
battering from the powers that be as the one now being administered
to Ralph Nader.
Robert
M. La Follette is buried in Madison's Forest Hill Cemetery, beneath
a simple marker that pokes out above the fallen leaves. This has
been his resting place since 1925. La Follette died in June of that
year, just four days after his 70th birthday. Friends and family
identified the cause as exhaustion from his 1924 campaign for the
presidency,
The
Wisconsin senator's 1924 campaign as an independent Progressive
challenged a conservative Republican and an only marginally less
conservative Democrat. La Follette's purpose in making that race
was starkly similar to the 66-year-old Nader's rationale for mounting
this year's challenge to Republican George W. Bush and Democrat
Al Gore.
"Senator
La Follette did not expect to win,'' recalls historian Roger T.
Johnson. "He made the race as a matter of principle, and as a matter
of practical politics, hoping that a strong showing would generate
the popular support necessary to the formation of a new political
party.'' As La Follette said upon launching his campaign, "I stand
for an honest realignment in American politics, confident that the
people in November will insure the creation of a new party in which
all Progressives may unite.''
****
Like
Nader, who today seeks to build a progressive force in the form
of the Green Party, La Follette had soured on a two-party system
that he saw as having fallen entirely under the influence of Wall
Street. A maverick throughout his career, he broke ranks with his
own Republican Party to mount that 1924 challenge, which was backed
by progressive unions, prominent African-American intellectuals,
social reformers and other freethinkers in a time of stark repression
against those who dared challenge political orthodoxies. (Just four
years earlier, the presidential candidate of the Socialist Party,
Eugene Victor Debs, had been forced to campaign from the jail cell
where he was imprisoned for having spoken out against the profiteering
of defense contractors during World War I.)
La
Follette was able to campaign in 1924 as a free man. But that does
not mean that he was given a free or fair shot at winning the presidency.
Running on an anti-corporate platform quite similar to the one on
which Nader campaigns this year, and pledging himself to restore
democracy by banishing powerful special interests from positions
of political influence, La Follette offered a radical alternative
to the rule of the robber barons. The barons and their minions promptly
set out to destroy not just the candidacy, but the man.
As
Philip La Follette recalled in his wonderful book, "Adventure in
Politics,'' when efforts to prevent his father from gaining ballot
status failed, his opponents attempted to ignore "Fighting Bob.''
But then the elder La Follette began to draw larger crowds than
his foes -- just as Nader has with his "super rallies'' -- and the
knives came out. "These great meetings gave our supporters tremendous
encouragement,'' wrote Phil La Follette. "But they likewise roused
the enemy -- especially the Republicans. The checkbooks came out,
and the heat was turned on labor and farmers. By the end of October
one could feel the vast, spreading tentacles of organized economic
power beginning its squeeze to drive people -- especially labor
-- by fear into voting for (President Calvin) Coolidge.''
****
La
Follette was condemned as everything from a radical to a bitter
old man on an ego trip. He was dismissed as inept and even insane.
And, at every turn, his supporters were warned that a vote for the
man they wanted as president would be "wasted'' or, worse yet, would
tip the race to the eviler of two lessers.
Seventy-six
years later, in another late October, the knives are out again.
The tentacles are spreading toward another maverick candidate who
has built a coalition of progressive labor unions such as the United
Electrical Workers and the California Nurse Association; prominent
African-American intellectuals such as Cornel West, Manning Marable
and Randall Robinson; social critics such as Barbara Ehrenreich
and Noam Chomsky; and freethinkers such as John Anderson, Phil Donahue,
Michael Moore and Patti Smith. The enthusiastic support displayed
at Ralph Nader's rallies across the nation has roused his enemies;
they attack him as radical, bitter and inept, and they dismiss his
supporters as vote-wasting dupes and foolish dissenters from lesser-of-two-evilism.
They even dare to suggest, as did the foes of La Follette, that
the challenger of the powerful interests is himself the dupe of
those interests.
It
is enough to turn a voter away from the polls -- and, sadly, that
may be the effect of the increasingly venomous attacks on Nader,
not to mention the fierce and absurdly incendiary assaults Bush
and Gore are mounting upon one another. In 1924, the voter turnout
hit record lows -- as millions of La Follette supporters simply
abandoned the process in confusion and disgust.
There
is much to be confused about this year, just as there is much with
which to be disgusted.
But
what needs most to be said in these final days before the election
is that voting -- that most pivotal act of the true democrat --
does matter. La Follette would chastise today's cynics, as he did
his compromised contemporaries, telling them that no believer in
democracy will ever dismiss the sincerely rendered choice of a citizen
on Election Day as anything less than the most noble of all statements.
On
Nov. 7, wise and decent Americans will cast their ballots for Al
Gore, George W. Bush and Ralph Nader. No vote will be wasted. Some
votes may be cast out of fear; yet even the frightened are forgiven
by Robert M. La Follette -- when young Phil complained of fair-weather
backers, particularly workers and farmers, who abandoned the candidacy
in the face of fear mongering, old Bob replied, "Don't blame the
folks. They just got scared.''
****
To
his forgiveness of this year's fearful voters, however, it is fair
to presume that La Follette would offer a reminder that millions
of votes are likely to be cast Nov. 7 on behalf of the dream that
a great progressive movement can yet be forged in America. And the
casters of those votes can take comfort in the fact that, even if
their faith is now maligned, it may eventually be rewarded.
Phil
La Follette recalled how, on the cold November night of his father's
1924 defeat, he went to bed embittered at the treatment of "Old
Bob'' and his Progressive supporters. As the years passed, however,
the bitterness faded. He came to recognize that "Dad's campaign
was a baptism for thousands of Americans. Ten years later, in the
days of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, the activists who flocked
to Washington had one sure and certain password among themselves
to prove they were not 'Johnny-come-latelies': They had fought for
'ld Bob' in 1924.''
Three-quarters
of a century have gone by. Yet most things remain the same. Powerful
interests are still inadequately challenged by Republicans and Democrats.
And there are still young progressives willing to earn battle scars
as they learn the passwords for a day when the politics of hope
replaces the politics of fear.
Copyright 2000 The Capital Times
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