If the mere thought of the Republican and Democratic conventions
creates an urge to yawn, you're hardly alone.
But don't
tune out. Behind the scenes, tens of thousands of people are
planning to transform empty, scripted coronations into unforgettable
protests, zany celebrations and sneaky Shadow Conventions.
Although the recent World Trade Organization demonstrations
in Seattle and Washington caught the public by surprise, many
of these protesters have been working to create an international
movement for years. Their aim is not to prevent global trade,
but to address the many problems and casualties resulting from
unregulated and rapid globalization. One of their key goals,
in fact, is to ensure that new international standards will
not wipe out all the consumer laws we have passed during the
last 30 years.
For now, many of them are not terribly interested
in electoral politics. Instead, they want their movement to
change the terms of debate. In short, they hope to entreat Americans
to place people before profits as we rush headlong into global
trade.
What neither party wants to debate -- economic
injustice and inequality, at home and abroad -- is precisely
what these activists seek to broadcast. At both national political
conventions, they intend to force the media's spotlight on the
need for campaign finance reform and a ban on the death penalty,
neglect of the working poor and the homeless, and the suffering
of workers and civilians affected by policies of international
organizations like the World Bank, the International Monetary
Fund and the WTO.
The Democracy In Motion Caravan Roadshow
began its coast-to-coast tour on July 10, hoping to spark the
same earnest and whimsical spirit of activism that inspired
the protests in Seattle and Washington, D.C. At each stop, veterans
of these protests hold workshops on nonviolent disobedience,
political economy, ecological and global policies and, lest
they take themselves too seriously, creative loafing.
When the Republican convention convenes in Philadelphia on July 31,
caravan organizers will join thousands of local activists who
are expected to participate in daily rallies and marches for
a week. On August 14, they will rendezvous with their West Coast
counterparts, who plan to treat delegates at the Democratic
convention in Los Angeles to similar rallies, disruptions and
protests.
A small but critical mass of these young people
are children of '60s activists. Inspired by their parents --
or by a romanticized version of that period -- they are now
building on the ideals of that era, even as they attack new
targets. Unlike so many young people during the '80s and early
'90s, who worried -- with good reason -- about whether they
would ever find employment, today's youth, like their Boomer
parents in the 1960s, can afford to look beyond their immediate
material needs and protest the economic inequality they see
at home and abroad.
Unlike activists since the '60s, these
young activists reject identity politics in favor of coalitions
that emphasize inclusiveness. Having grown up in the aftermath
of the women's movement, they instinctively analyze the different
ways in which women and men experience life at home and at work.
Children of the civil rights generation, they automatically
consider the racial implications of global policies. Raised
in the wake of the sexual revolution, they are comfortably conversant
with a broad range of sexual orientations.
Their goals,
they say, are economic and social justice. Within the last three
years, for example, college students created Students Against
Sweatshops on more than 200 campuses. In addition to launching
successful consumer boycotts against sweatshirts and other university
apparel produced under subhuman conditions, they also forced
Nike to disclose the location of its factories and to open its
books for public inspection.
Joining these students and
young people are members of a newly revitalized labor movement
who are anxious about the impact of globalization on themselves,
as well as on workers around the world. Some of these unions
have even forged unprecedented coalitions with ecological groups
whose goal of sustainability is daily mocked by the irreversible
environmental damage taking place each day in the deserts, rain
forests, rivers and oceans of the world.
Armed with a relatively
sophisticated analysis of the global political economy, this
coalition condemns the ecological and economic policies that
have intensified human misery in much of Africa, Latin America
and Asia.
At each convention, protesters plan to highlight
a variety of urgent problems. In Philadelphia, for example,
they will start their weeklong activities with a march of the
poor -- those who have fallen through the tattered fabric of
an unraveled social safety net. The next day, they will protest
the ``prison industrial complex'' that funds and builds prisons,
rather than schools. On the third day, UNITY 2000, a huge coalition
of some 200 organizations -- including the NAACP, NOW, Students
Against Sweatshops, local union chapters and the Interfaith
Coalition -- will march for the movement's two core principles:
putting people before profit, and ending the corporate greed
that exploits people here and around the world.
What is especially appealing about these organizers is how seamlessly
they weave a complicated critique of global and domestic injustice
with a playful, sometimes wacky, sense of humor. Their motto,
emblazoned all over their Internet site, is, ``The Party's Over.''
Their ``Call to Action'' invites us to ``Crash the Party.''
Perhaps their most hilarious caper -- and one that may grab
the most media attention -- is the Million Billionaire March,
at which faux billionaires for Bush or Gore will hoist banners
that protest, ``99 Percent Is Not Enough!!''
Puppet processions,
a signature feature of the Seattle and Washington demonstrations,
will once again communicate, through images rather than political
rhetoric, the impact of economic injustice and ecological catastrophe.
Activists will once again don costumes carefully sewn by hand;
parading as turtles, they will be making a strong statement
about what Michael Lerner of Bolinas' Commonweal has called
``the Age of Extinction'' -- the cumulative loss of thousands
of species.
These organizers are passionately committed
to nonviolent protest, a conviction reinforced by workshops
in civil disobedience and prohibitions against drugs and liquor.
They want their message heard, not buried under denunciations
of violent acts. But they know how impossible it is to control
the behavior of those who may join them. Police in both cities,
moreover, are growing increasingly edgy, especially in the wake
of the excessive police force recently used in Philadelphia.
In addition to these outdoor marches and rallies, there will
be indoor Shadow Conventions, hosted by Arianna Huffington,
a onetime Newt Gingrich cheerleader and now a self-described
``recovering Republican.'' Funded by George Soros' Open Society
Institute and other foundations, the Shadow Conventions perhaps
will offer even more legitimacy to the protests outside. Huffington
is determined to focus public attention on three issues that
the two parties will carefully avoid: campaign finance reform,
the failure and consequences of the war on drugs, and poverty
and the growing gap between the rich and poor.
With her
pitch-perfect media savvy, Huffington has rounded up the usual
suspects -- Ralph Nader, Jesse Jackson, and Sen. Paul Wellstone
-- along with some unexpected Republican speakers, including
Rep. Tom Campbell, Sen. John McCain and New Mexico Gov. Gary
Johnson. To grab the attention of the young, as well as that
of the media, Huffington has gathered a coterie of celebrities
(think Warren Beatty), along with big-name bands chosen by Rock
the Vote. For comic relief, she has lined up some well-known
stand-up comedians from ``Saturday Night Live.'' Perhaps her
most creative innovation has been to assemble a group of satirists
who will provide continuous commentary on the conventions --
through subtitles on a real-time video feed that will be broadcast
over the Internet, and she hopes, on C-SPAN. If done well, it
could be a scream.
Naturally, there will be those who condemn
these sideshows as adolescent distractions from the real event:
the nomination of the candidates for national office. But to
protest organizers, it is the conventions themselves -- carefully
scripted to suppress any debate about the real issues facing
the American public and the global community -- that reek of
irresponsible, even adolescent behavior.
Sure, democracy
is messy, as endless commentators have noted. But the role of
social movements is to force us to address problems and consider
solutions that threaten many economic and social interests.
So just when it all seems too noisy and contentious, consider
the alternatives.
In any event, tune in. Despite the intentions
of the national political parties, there will be serious debate,
as well as comic relief and great entertainment. You just might
learn something you never knew you wanted to know.
Ruth Rosen, an editorial writer for the Chronicle, is the author most recently of ``The World Split Open: How The Modern Women's Movement Changed America,'' (Viking, 2000).
The demonstrations scheduled for this summer's Republican
and Democratic conventions are part of wave of international
outrage, sparked last year when thousands of marchers gathered
on the streets of Seattle to protest the World Trade Organization.
Here is a list of recent and upcoming demonstrations:
Nov. 3, 1999, Seattle: protest of World Trade Organization rules
April 16, 2000, Washington, D.C.: protest of International
Monetary Fund and World Bank loan policies
July 1, 2000,
Millau, France: 40,000 people from the Peasant Confederation
rally for Jose Bove, who is on trial for attacking a McDonald's
restaurant
July 17, 2000, Istanbul, Turkey: Anti-nuclear demonstration
July 31-Aug. 3, 2000, Philadelphia: numerous
marches planned during Republican National Convention
Aug. 9, 2000, New Mexico: protest at Los Alamos Nuclear Laboratory
Aug. 9, 2000, London: protest marking the 10th anniversary
of sanctions against Iraq
Aug. 14-17, 2000, Los Angeles:
numerous marches planned during Democratic National Convention
Sept. 11, 2000, Melbourne, Australia: protest over the World
Economic Forum
Sept. 26, 2000, Prague, The Czech Republic:
protest over the International Monetary Fund
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