A diamond may be forever, but perhaps the diamond trade is not. The
industry has been embarrassed by revelations about how some brutal rebel
forces in Africa use gems to sustain their fighting. The United Nations
has slapped diamond embargoes on rebel-held areas of Angola and Sierra
Leone in the hopes of taming those civil wars.
Diamonds are suddenly the issue of the moment. They're on the agenda
at theG-8 meeting of big powers in Japan, and diamond giant De Beers
announced recently that it no longer will sell "conflict diamonds." The
fact that public concern over serious human rights abuse can provoke
upheaval in a multibillion-dollar industry is heartening indeed. But
diamonds don't kill people, guns do. In the current enthusiasm for
diamond embargoes, the long-standing arms embargoes on Angola and Sierra
Leone largely are being ignored. If the world really wanted to stop the
carnage in those countries, it would start by enforcing these arms
embargoes.
At Human Rights Watch, we have no evidence that the diamond embargo on
Angola has made any appreciable dent in the revenue or ability to fight
off the UNITA rebel force. Diamonds are easy to smuggle, and when mixed
with stones of varying origins, they're almost impossible to identify
under the standards required by a court of law. Once polished, their
origin is undetectable.
For all its flaws, an international certificate scheme for diamonds is
a good place to start. But more important is to ensure that abusive
forces never get weapons in the first place.
To begin enforcing arms embargoes will require radically different
behavior on the part of the U.N. and its member states. First, monitors
must be deployed in any country under embargo to check suspicious
shipments at border crossings, roads and airstrips. These monitors need
to change location unpredictably to take smugglers by surprise. Second, a
serious and well-funded inquiry must expose the sources of the weapons
being smuggled--and the complicit companies and governments. For Angola,
the U.N. deputized a commission led by Canadian Ambassador Robert R.
Fowler to undertake such a probe. Its report, issued in April, had
shortcomings, but it was a big step in the right direction. A similar
commission authorized for Sierra Leone will need strong leadership and
financial backing. Sierra Leone has been under an arms embargo since
1997, and neighboring Liberia, through which most of the rebels' diamonds
and weapons flow, since 1992.
These embargoes are a joke. In early June, there were press reports of
two truckloads of weapons crossing from Liberia into Sierra Leone, as
well as another shipment of a rocket launcher.
Poking around on borders and identifying malefactors is essentially
undiplomatic activity and not something the U.N. has been eager to
undertake. Yet it must. The U.N. needs a permanent arms embargo unit with
real investigative capacity and the mandate to keep hammering at
governments that try to cover up their complicity.
But not all the blame for lax enforcement can be laid at the door of
the U.N. Individual governments also are at fault. Diamond embargoes are
more attractive to them partly because the busy work of checking
certificates can be done at home. Arms embargoes require sending
outsiders into obscure countries to do dangerous work.
To make a U.N. embargo binding on private companies and individuals,
governments must pass "implementing legislation" that incorporates it
into domestic law. On the very day after the U.N. Security Council
approved the diamond embargo on Sierra Leone, several countries
immediately passed such legislation. Yet only a tiny handful of countries
has put the Sierra Leone arms embargo into domestic law.
The diamond trade and the arms trade are closely linked. The current
debate over diamonds could help get to the heart of this dirty business,
but not if it's used as a low-cost, low-risk publicity stunt to avoid
talking about the real problem.
Kenneth Roth Is Executive Director of Human Rights Watch.
Copyright 2000 Los Angeles Times
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