Al Gore doesn't seem to be interested in wise political counsel. And he
certainly isn't getting any from the people he pays to tell him how to run what
so far has been a sub-pathetic campaign for the presidency.
But, on the theory that America would be well served by a competitive
presidential contest this fall, let me just suggest to the presumptive
Democratic presidential nominee that he ought to use U.S. Sen. Bill Bradley as
something more than a campaign prop.
Indeed, Gore's only hope as a candidate this fall is to learn from Bradley's
mistakes.
Gore aides are excited by the fact that Bradley has agreed to appear Thursday
in Green Bay with the man he so viscerally derided during the late winter --
when the two contested the Democratic nod. But the Gore campaign would be wise
to recognize that they did not beat Bradley, Bradley beat himself -- just as
Gore may beat himself in the fall.
It was not long ago that Bradley was throwing a real scare into Gore, causing
the Democratic front-runner to shake up his entire campaign and to high-tail it
out of Washington and onto a Democratic primary vaudeville circuit that the veep
thought he would never have to work again. Bradley upset the Gore juggernaut by
suggesting again and again during appearances in Iowa, New Hampshire, New York
and other states that Gore would be a weak Democratic nominee because the vice
president's credibility had been strained by campaign finance abuses and
ideological compromises of the worst order.
Bradley was, of course, right. But he never gained any real traction --
losing every single caucus and primary to a man who polls showed was vulnerable.
Why did Bradley stumble? Because for all his talk of how he was different and
better than Gore, he never really distinguished himself from the vice president.
Gore was for corporate-defined free trade, Bradley was for corporate-defined
free trade. Gore was for the death penalty, Bradley was for the death penalty.
Gore refused to endorse meaningful health care reform along the lines of a
Canadian-style "single-payer'' system, Bradley refused to endorse
meaningful health care reform along the lines of a Canadian-style
"single-payer'' system. Gore talked a good line about the need to address
poverty in America but never put any policy muscle behind the campaign trail
rhetoric, Bradley talked an even better line about the need to address poverty
in America but put even less policy muscle behind the campaign trail rhetoric.
Gore showed a profound misunderstanding of the farm crisis that is destroying
rural America, Bradley had a hard time finding rural America on a map.
Bradley's failure to distinguish himself from Gore left the voters who
bothered to listen to debates between the two men asking: Is that all there is?
And they were right to do so. When there is no debate over fundamental issues,
voters turn off -- especially the sort of voters an insurgent needs to upset a
front-runner.
Now that Gore has dispatched Bradley and positioned himself as the nominee,
Gore finds himself trailing Republican George W. Bush in most polls. Gore has
shaken up his campaign again. He has remade himself again. He launched
television ad campaigns in key states and conducted an "I Invented
Prosperity'' tour -- all to limited or even negative effect. This week, he will
trot out Bradley in a display of grudging party unity not seen since John McCain
gritted his teeth and endorsed Bush.
While it's fine to wheel Bradley around the country one more time, Gore would
be wiser to recognize why Bradley isn't the nominee.
In politics, a failure on the part of the laggard to distinguish him or
herself from the front-runner is deadly. If Gore actually wants to be elected
president, he needs to recognize as much and begin to distinguish himself from
Bush -- not with pokes at a few pharmaceutical companies, but with a fundamental
shift of direction.
As the fall campaign takes shape, Gore must make it clear that electing him
will mean something for workers whose jobs are threatened by "Blank Check
for China'' trade legislation; he must stand with family farmers against
agribusiness; he must side with the majority of Americans in endorsing a
moratorium on the death penalty; he must support full public financing of
campaigns -- as opposed to corrupt half steps; and he must recognize that
tinkering with drug prices does not begin to address the health care crisis in
America.
To win in November, Al Gore needs to jettison caution and begin running as a
real alternative to George W. Bush.
After all, if Bradley had run as a real alternative to Gore, America would be
looking at a different Democratic presidential nominee today, Ralph Nader would
never have gained the momentum he clearly has achieved, and George W. Bush would
be left to pick up the scraps that are left of the Republican Party.
John Nichols is the editorial page
editor of The Capital Times.
© 2000 The Capital Times
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