"The dissenter is every human being at those moments in life when one
resigns momentarily from the herd and thinks for themselves."
-- Archibald Macleish
I have come to believe that many Americans prefer the kind of dissent
that is neatly tucked away in the past -- where it does not raise
uncomfortable questions, nor challenge the prevailing preconceived
notions.
With an eye toward the past we applaud Martin Luther King, Jr., for his
courage to oppose the war in Vietnam. But dissent in the present,
concerning matters of great national importance, is something very
different.
How quickly we forget that King, minus the benefit of history, was
vilified by many of his contemporary allies for his opposition.
The press was equally unmerciful. In an editorial entitled "Dr. King's
error," The New York Times chastised King for engaging in matters
beyond
the scope of black leaders. TIME Magazine, which four years earlier had
made him their 1963 Man of the Year, called King's anti-war stand
"demagogic slander... a script for Radio Hanoi."
In lieu of dissent, we helplessly cling to slogans such as "America, my
country, right or wrong," which in the words of William Sloane Coffin
is
akin to "My grandmother, drunk or sober."
In moments of moral crisis, which I believe includes
present-day America; it is easy for democracies to misrepresent dissent
as anger. To do so conveniently removes any obligation to hear the
dissenter or engage in authentic self-reflection.
Does this suggest dissenters are in sole possession of "the" truth?
Hardly! But American Democracy is the ultimate work in progress that
requires dissent for its survival.
The seductive melody of nationalism's "you are either with us or
against
us" chorus becomes the morphine of comfort that allows one to condense
dissent into a lack of patriotism.
The formula for deconstructing dissent is as old as recorded history.
The leadership continually promotes the idea that an attack is
imminent,
while denouncing the dissenters for their lack of loyalty and claiming such
dissent during a crisis is a threat to the country's safety.
But dissent is the oxygen of democracy. Without it, we would risk
choking on the fumes from our own megalomania.
Out of fear, we continue to spiral downward, away from our democratic
traditions. In doing so, dissent is summarily dismissed as disloyalty,
while groupthink is passed off as a peculiar brand of resolve that is
immune to self-examination.
The opposition to dissent eases the path to what Arthur Schlesinger, some 30 years ago, called the "imperial presidency" -- the
consolidation of power by the commander in chief during moments of
national crisis.
Two of our greatest presidents, Abraham Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt,
are examples of the executive branch utilizing powers not granted to
them by the Constitution. Thus, Lincoln and Roosevelt become handy
tools of historical justification for the actions of the current
administration.
The worst-case scenario: the powers in government rationalizing the
need
to deceive the nation. It is the supreme Machiavellian notion whereby
the ends justify the means.
This is especially important in light of reports now surfacing that
certain Army generals as early as December 2003 were warned of abuses
at
Abu Ghraib and elsewhere. This contradicts military officials' story
that they first learned of mistreatment in January 2004.
In this 51-49 country of ours, it is incumbent upon the 51 to welcome
dissent as much as the 49 are prepared to raise the questions. Both
must find a solidarity that places country above party.
As Harry Truman so succinctly warned: "Once a
government is committed to the principle of silencing the voice of
opposition, it has only one way to go, and that is down the path of
increasingly repressive measures, until it becomes a source of terror
to
all its citizens and creates a country where everyone lives in fear."
Byron Williams writes a weekly political/social commentary at Byronspeaks.com. Byron serves as pastor of the Resurrection Community Church in Oakland, California.
© 2004 ByronSpeaks
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