As they munch on smoked duck ravioli at a chic Italian eatery
tonight hosted by the Sempra energy conglomerate, Democratic National
Committee officials might pause between courses to consider the plight of
utility ratepayers 120 miles to the south.
Since May, the price of electricity for San Diegans has risen more
than 250%, causing the average bill from San Diego Gas & Electric, which
is owned by Sempra, to skyrocket. Some restaurant owners are at risk of
losing their businesses. Senior citizens must choose between paying for
food or running the air conditioner in stifling heat. It is estimated
that the crisis is draining $100 million per month from the region's
economy, all the courtesy of both major political parties' cave-in to big
energy corporations.
The cause of this consumer disaster is utility "deregulation," a 1996
bipartisan Sacramento boondoggle that gave immense cost-transfer power to
big business.
The Democratic Party of yore would have stood up for the strapped
ratepayer rather than with utility executives, but the modern corporate
Democrats promoted the 1996 measure and are now dining out with the
energy barons. Rather than repudiating deregulation, Gov. Gray Davis said
just last week: "Eventually deregulation will work, but there are growing
pains."
Calling it deregulation was the half-truth upon which this scheme was
sold to the public. To be sure, the legislation removed most regulatory
controls from the utilities. But it then proceeded to regulate residences
and small businesses by forcing them to pay electricity prices 50% above
the national market average for four years. It required that the
difference between this national market average rate for electricity and
the higher price actually charged consumers--an estimated $28.5
billion--be used to pay off the utilities' bad debts: non-competitive
investments in power plants, principally nuclear. Ratepayers were
promised that after that, competition would flourish, lowering prices.
California became the model for deregulation laws in other states.
The bill was rushed through unanimously, a particularly egregious
example of the increasing interdependence of the two major political
parties on corporate cash. Utility and power companies spent $3 million
in Sacramento to grease the bill's passage; $80 million more was spent by
utilities on grants to win the support of community and nonprofit groups.
In 1998, consumer groups backed a ballot measure, Proposition 9, to void
the portion of the law that required ratepayers to bail out the
utilities' mistakes. However, the utility and power companies spent $40
million to defeat it, including payment of $500,000 each to the state
Republican and Democrat parties for mailers urging a "no" vote.
Of course, the promised free market has not materialized. That's
because the handful of energy companies that control the power supply
have no incentive to alter their price-gouging behavior. Rather, these
companies maximize their profits by restraining the supply of
electricity. This is the economics of virtual cartels.
San Diego ratepayers paid off SDG&E's bad debts early, the rate freeze
ended and the ratepayers became the canaries in the coal mine. Meanwhile,
the power companies' profits have skyrocketed. Sempra reported a 34%
increase in earnings last month.
The deregulation disaster has ignited a ratepayer rebellion in San
Diego. Led by former Mayor Maureen O'Connor and consumer groups, local
officials there have declared a state of emergency, demanded a rate
rollback to pre-deregulation levels and hearings to repeal the
deregulation law. The utilities are begging the politicians to protect
them against the public's wrath. Last week, Gov. Davis endorsed SDG&E's
credit-card solution: Ratepayers can pay less then they owe, but must pay
the balance, probably with interest, later on. However, that inadequate
step was quickly overshadowed by the state Senate's passage of rollback
legislation. The Assembly is scheduled to vote on the bill shortly.
Davis, whose corporate fund-raising prowess is matched only by his
deft ability to evade decisions that might alienate donors, can prove his
independence by insisting that a genuine rollback bill get to his desk.
The rollback is crucial, but it's only a short-term fix. The shock of
electricity deregulation will rock the rest of the state within two
years.
Electricity is a necessity, not a commodity. Government owes it to the
people to provide a safe, reliable and affordable power system with
mandatory energy efficiency and renewable energy goals. Stripping the
public of its right to control the power industry has proved a colossal
mistake, yet the major political parties and their candidates remain on
the record in support of it.
When the short-term gain of politicians (campaign contributions)
furthers the short-term aims of big corporations (higher profits),
consumers always lose in the short run and in the long run.
Consumer Advocate Ralph Nader Is the Green Party's Nominee for President.
Copyright 2000 Los Angeles Times
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