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The School of the Americas: New Legislation Brings Limited Transparency
A Dismal Record
The School of the Americas / Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (SOA/WHINSEC) is a military instructional facility that has trained over 60,000 Latin American soldiers, police, and security-related civilians in counterinsurgency, psychological warfare, and interrogation techniques since its inception in 1946. Many of the brutal military dictators and their staff during the period known as the Dirty Wars of the 1970’s and 1980’s in Central and South America were graduates of the SOA. In 1996 it was revealed that manuals advocating torture and other inhumane tactics against civilian populations had been employed at the SOA and were distributed to several Latin American countries.
The school’s extensive list of criminal graduates includes Roberto Viola and Leopoldo Galteri, two of the most notorious members of Argentina’s ruling military Juntas. Other alumni were Manuel Noriega, the intelligence officer turned dictator of Panama, and 19 members of Battalion 3-16, the Honduran army unit which terrorized and killed scores of its own civilians during the 1980s. While dozens of countries have sent personnel to the SOA over the years, Colombia has had the largest contingent of soldiers trained at the American facility. The destructive influence this has had in Colombia was made clear when over half of the 237 human rights violations reported there in 1993 were committed by SOA graduates. The considerable number of kidnappings, tortures, murders, and massacres committed by SOA graduates provides irrefutable evidence that Latin Americans have grievously suffered from skills taught at this American military facility.
Moved to Fort Benning, Georgia in 1984, the SOA has continued its controversial training while cloaked in a veil of secrecy by U.S. authorities. Although the U.S. had knowledge of many of the atrocities occurring in Latin America throughout the 1980’s, they continued to train members of the military dictatorships in the region, some of whom were committing these odious crimes. Organizations such as the School of the Americas Watch, founded in 1990, have been tirelessly fighting for the closure of the school and the release of information on its graduates to this day. In an effort to silence these protests and to sanitize the SOA’s reputation, the Pentagon lobbied for legislation that would initiate a name-change for the facility to improve its severely compromised reputation. In 2001, the school reopened under its new name (WHINSEC), purportedly with a new focus on “promoting democratic values, [and] respect for human rights.” However, in reality, this represented a change in name only, and the actual activities of the school remained centered on military training with only meager programs dedicated to human rights education. Most recently, several leaders of the military coup in Honduras, which ousted the democratically-elected president, Manuel Zelaya, were trained at SOA/WHINSEC, highlighting the enduring negative impact that the school has had on Latin America.
The Ongoing Battle
On June 25, 2009, it seemed that the human rights community had scored a victory as the House of Representatives passed amendment 263 to the National Defense Authorization Act, by a vote of 224-190. The amendment required the public disclosure of information on students and instructors at SOA/WHINSEC for the years 2005 and forward. However, because the Senate did not approve a similar amendment, members of both legislative bodies had to negotiate the final language of the bill in a Conference Committee. On October 8, 2009, the committee agreed to incorporate a modified version of this amendment into the final version of the bill: information on students and instructors at SOA/WHINSEC would be released for 2009 and 2010, but the same information would not be released for the years 2005 through 2008. This information includes the names, ranks, countries of origin, and courses attended by the students and instructors.
The final version of the measure represents only a partial victory, given that information on teachers, students, and activities at the school from these four years will remain classified. In addition, the Secretary of Defense retains the right to withhold the release of the information deemed critical to national security. Pam Bowman, the legislative coordinator for the School of the Americas Watch, emphasized the skeptical feelings of advocates on the final version of the amendment, saying they are “hopeful and encouraged by the decision made,” but disappointed by the limited nature of the final language.
The release of this information, while indicating progress, still appears to be another insincere, papering-over maneuver by Washington to address its role in perpetuating human rights violations in the hemisphere. The fact that Washington will still be withholding information on its training of Latin American military personnel for the four years between 2005 and 2008 raises concerns over whether they have something to hide. In addition, the amendment fails to address the fundamental question of whether the facility should remain open, which further indicates that Washington, despite having a solid Democratic majority, is continuing to skirt its commitment to safeguard human rights.
However, there is hope that the disclosure of the sought-after information and the publicity that it may bring with it will lead to further inroads in the fight to close SOA/WHINSEC. Since the amendment was approved, several additional Congressmen have pledged their support for H.R. 2567, the Latin America Military Training Review Act, which would close the facility, bringing the total number of cosponsors to 80. In 2007, human rights proponents narrowly missed closing SOA/WHINSEC by falling 6 votes short in the House of Representatives. The disclosure of new information as a result of the recent legislation and the continued effort of groups such as the School of the Americas Watch, which will be holding a three day vigil at Fort Benning in November, may generate the additional support needed to shut down the SOA for good.
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14 Comments so far
Show All"shut down the SOA for good."
it will just be (completely) off-shored.
You are probably right. The U.S. just can't seem to give up its mission to 'promote' human rights (per description of WHINSEC) in Latin America. What a mess this country has become.
Yeah, transfer it to Tel Aviv.
AMERIKA IS THE MOST EVIL COUNTRY ON HIS PLANET!
But still, there are those among the sheeple who don't want to see that the US is the foremost terrorist state ever known to humanity. Get rid of this goddam warmongering country and the rate of wars, mass murder, destruction, chaos, injustice and everything else that's bad will go down by probably 95% percent if not more. What a course on humanity this country and its stupid people are!
Interesting article...
-in the MEANTIME - look at what United States of American "MONROE DOCTRINE" of "making South america our Backyard"...Hubris - rather than trying to find what an old Chinese belief might try instead: "MUTUALITY"...- has wrought upon the USA's own "Full Specrtum Dominance Empire Project"....
it can be summed up by the all-too experienced suppressed countries under the American Heel leaders are saying:
"THERE ISN'T ANYONE FROM THE US GOVERNMENT WE CAN SIT DOWN WITH AND HAVE THE KINDS OF DISCUSSIONS WE HAVE WITH THE CHINESE".
OF COURSE...because "with the USA" it's only EVER been about "obey US..south america is our backyard, monroe said so" .
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China Business
Oct 22, 2009
Page 1 of 2
Beijing takes on Latin America
By Evan Ellis
Since 2008, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has moved forward with a series of large aid and investment deals, indicating that the PRC is raising its stake in Latin America to a new level [1].
The impact of China's expanding commitment in Latin America extends far beyond the PRC's immediate goals of securing access to Latin American markets and reliable sources of primary products at favorable prices. The implications of this trend can be
understood in terms of four overlapping effects:
# The interaction is transforming the physical, economic, educational and social structure of the region.
# It is enabling the survival and spread of regimes oriented against the United States, Western-style democracy and economic models.
# It is enabling the emergence of Brazil as a regional powerbroker.
# It is undermining the United States as a source of political and economic influence in the region, as well as US options for regional engagement.
While China is transforming Latin America through such effects, this does not imply that they are the result of deliberate, primary objectives of Chinese foreign policy towards the region.
The mechanism by which Latin America's expanding relationship with the PRC is transforming the region has as much to do with expectations by Latin American investors of future business with China. Inspired by expectations of selling to, or importing from China, Latin Americans are investing to improve their infrastructure, including the expansion and modernization of Pacific ports such as Ensenada in Mexico, Buenaventura in Colombia, Manta in Ecuador, Peru's Callao and Chile's Iquique, among others.
The desire to facilitate commerce with China has also breathed new life into contemplated but long unfunded infrastructure projects to connect the continent to its Pacific coast, including the Manta-Manaus (Brazil) corridor, inter-oceanic corridors to Paita and Ilo in Peru, and the bi-oceanic corridor connecting Sao Paolo in southern Brazil with the port of Iquique.
Beyond physical infrastructure, the belief held by students in the region that China is the wave of the future has driven the establishment of China-oriented programs throughout Latin American universities, as well as a wealth of offerings for learning Mandarin, from private institutes to university language programs, including the establishment of 18 officially sanctioned Confucius Institutes in the region.
Chinese engagement is also shaping the politics of the region. One such impact is the contribution of Chinese aid and investment in the survival of the "caudillo [political-military leader] socialist block" (Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia). The PRC has been extremely cautious to avoid associating itself with the anti-US proclamations of leaders such as President Hugo Chavez in Venezuela. Nonetheless, the PRC benefits from the policies of these regimes insofar as their disruption of relationships with Western companies, and the personalistic character of their regimes creates opportunities for Chinese companies to gain access to their resources and deepen penetration of their markets.
The principal example of how China has enabled "caudillo socialism" in the region is its relationship with the Chavez regime in Venezuela. As Chavez has consolidated control of the petroleum industry and other sectors of the Venezuelan economy, China has played an increasingly important role in buying Venezuelan oil, working the oilfields and loaning money to the Chavez regime.
(article continued)
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Over the past two years, China Development Bank has loaned US$8 billion to Venezuela, to be repaid in future oil deliveries, and is currently negotiating an additional loan of up to $4 billion. Although initially intended for Venezuelan infrastructure projects, these funds arguably helped the Chavez regime to meet its internal and external commitments when oil prices fell from $140 per barrel to less than $40. China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) has expanded its Venezuelan oil operations while Western companies pulled out, and in September 2009 announced its intention to invest an additional $16 billion.
In Ecuador, like Venezuela, China has helped to maintain the solvency of that country's anti-US regime, issuing a $1 billion loan, which helped the government of Rafael Correa to manage a liquidity crisis associated with the repayment of foreign debt obligations, as well as a $2 billion 1.5 gigawatt hydroelectric plant, 90% self-financed by the Chinese company that performs the work.
The Chinese consortium Andes Petroleum is a key investor in Ecuador's oil sector, and has become increasingly important as other companies have pulled out in response to the Rafael Correa administration's move to force them to re-negotiate the terms of their concessions. Even in Bolivia, where the Chinese have proceeded cautiously, the state petroleum company YPFB is pursuing a strategic partnership with CNPC for the investment and technical expertise that it requires to maintain Bolivian gas production.
In addition to contributions as a resource provider and customer, China is also playing an expanding role as an alternative provider of technology and military goods. China has helped Venezuela to create a factory to assemble drilling rigs to develop its oil, as well as other joint ventures for producing cars and cell phones. The PRC also launched a telecommunications satellite for Venezuela in 2008, and has become an important telecom infrastructure provider. In addition, the PRC sells the country increasingly sophisticated military end items, including air surveillance radars and military aircraft [2].
Ecuador and Bolivia have followed Venezuela's lead with respect to military purchases from the PRC. Ecuador, which had previously leased two MA-60 transport aircraft from the Chinese in 2007, is negotiating to purchase four more, as well as taking delivery of two Chinese radars for evaluation, and purchasing four more, to be delivered by the first quarter of 2011.
Bolivia, which previously received trucks, small boats and night-vision goggles from the PRC, is now working with them to launch a satellite and purchasing six K-8 aircraft for counter-narcotics missions after being denied access to US and European planes.
In addition to providing resources, technical support and military goods that have contributed to the survival of the "caudillo socialist block", the PRC has also been contributing to Brazil's ascendancy as a regional power broker. Brazilian economic performance has been driven, in part, by its export-oriented iron and soy industries, for which China is a key customer.
Indeed, the global recession emphasized and magnified the importance of China to Brazil. While Brazilian exports to the United States fell 37.8% in the first quarter of 2009, exports to the PRC increased by 62.7% thanks in part to a Chinese stimulus package that included $740 billion in infrastructure projects, thus maintaining high levels of Chinese demand for factor inputs such as iron, purchased from Brazilian suppliers such as CVRD.
Consequently, in the first half of 2009, China became Brazil's number one export destination. China has also emerged as a key financier as Brazil reaches out for the $174 billion that it requires to develop newly discovered deepwater oil reserves in the Campos and Santos basins. In discussing a $10 billion loan from China Development Bank to Brazil, the president of Petrobras, Sergio Gabrielli, noted, "There isn't [sic] someone in the US government that we can sit down with and have the kinds of discussions we're having with the Chinese".
The PRC is also an increasingly important partner in technology transfer for Brazil. The two nations are pursuing a range of important joint ventures, including joint production of mid-sized business jets, the China-Brazil Earth Research Satellite (CBERS) program and other space cooperation programs.
(article - continued) part 3
------------------------
Page 2 of 2
Beijing takes on Latin America
By Evan Ellis
Brazil's expanding trade with China is also giving Brasilia reasons to become more interested in the affairs of its neighbors. In cities such as Manaus in the interior of Brazil, the economics of importing factory inputs from the PRC is greatly facilitated by routes linking the Brazilian Amazon to Pacific ports. Projects currently underway include highway corridors from the Amazon River over the Andes Mountains to the Peruvian ports of Paita and Ilo, as well as a possible multi-modal corridor linking Manaus, with its free trade zone, to the Ecuadorian port of Manta. In a similar fashion, Brazil's growing commerce with China also heightens its stake in the trade policy and political stability of its Pacific neighbors, as well as major infrastructure projects
affecting the economics of that trade such as the expansion of the Panama Canal.
In addition to sustaining the "caudillo socialist" bloc and contributing to the rise of Brazil, in a broader sense, Chinese investment and aid in Latin America is undermining the primacy of the US role as an economic and social actor in the region. This can be seen in the re-orientation of Latin America's trade structure away from the United States, Latin American efforts to either please or avoid offending China, and in the declining power of the United States as a "reference model" for economic development and democracy.
With respect to trade structure, PRC financial deals to facilitate commerce, such as the $10.2 billion debt swap with Argentina in March 2009, represent an expanding challenge to the primacy of the dollar as an international reserve currency. Brazilian President Lula explicitly argued for working with China to move away from the dollar during his trip to China in May 2009.
Even before such challenges to the primacy of the dollar, however, the lure of China as a market was arguably one factor that helped to permanently derail the proposed "Free Trade Area of the Americas". Chinese bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) with Chile and Peru, and FTA negotiations with Costa Rica can have the effect of moving the region away from a structure of trade relationships and incentives focusing the region on the US, to a world in which Latin American states are more independent global actors.
At the individual country level, such influence can be seen in Chile, the foreign economic policy of which focuses on positioning the country as a gateway between Asia and Latin America. A similar enthusiasm can be seen in Peru, which hosted the 2008 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, and in which the PRC has made important investment commitments in the oil and gas sector, purchases of fishing fleets and fishmeal processing facilities, and mines in Toromocho, Rio Blanco and Maracona. It is also evidenced in the desire of countries such as Colombia and Costa Rica to tie themselves more closely to the Pacific economic community by joining APEC.
Article Continued part 4
=================
In the realm of what has been called "soft power", the US is also losing influence in the region where US initiatives conflict with Latin America's desires to maintain a positive relationship with the PRC for economic reasons. The decision by the Ecuadorian Correa government not to renew the agreement giving the US access to the port city of Manta was a necessary step in inviting the Chinese to develop the airport into a hub for trans-Pacific flights, even though the two were probably never explicitly connected by the Chinese.
In the future, as Latin American regimes contemplate whether to allow potentially intrusive cooperation with US law enforcement in areas such as counter-narcotics, telecommunications, or banking, the impact of such cooperation on attracting investment from partners such as the Chinese will cast a growing shadow over their decisions.
The desire of Latin American leaders to court, please, or avoid offending the PRC, is becoming increasingly evident. When Costa Rican President Oscar Arias switched his country's diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to the PRC in May 2007, a key factor was his belief that the emergence of the PRC as a global power made being on the "right side" of the China/Taiwan issue in Costa Rica's interest [3].
The importance that Latin American leaders place on China can be discerned by the number of its presidents who have led delegations to the PRC in recent years: in addition to the six trips to China by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and multiple trips by Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa and Bolivian President Evo Morales, virtually all the rest, including President Lula of Brazil, Colombia's President Alvaro Uribe, Mexican President Felipe Calderon, Uruguay President Tabare Vasquez, and Costa Rican President Oscar Arias.
To date, the PRC has limited its attempts to exert influence over its Latin American partners to areas tied to core Chinese interests, such as their recognition of Taiwan or Tibet, the opening of their markets to Chinese goods, and favorable or neutral positions with respect to China in forums such as the Inter-American Development Bank and the World Trade Organization.
As China sinks more investment in Latin America, and becomes more dependent on the region as a market and a source of supply, it is logical that China would seek to motivate Latin American leaders to protect these interests. Although it is difficult to imagine the PRC demanding that a Latin American state not cooperate with the United States on police and security matters, it is increasingly easy to imagine that such a state might think twice, if it believes that a US presence could jeopardize a major PRC purchase or investment in the country.
Finally, in the world of ideas in Latin America, the rise of China can become a powerful force in derailing the US political, economic, and human rights agenda in the region. The ability demonstrated by the PRC to sustain growth rates in excess of 10% and recover rapidly from the global recession, by contrast to the United States, which precipitated the financial crisis and continues to contract, sends a powerful message to Latin American states that US-style political pluralism may not be necessary for development, and in some circumstances, may be detrimental to it.
Notes
1. Analysts have generally acknowledged that Chinese aid and investment in Latin America is relatively small, compared to comparable investments by the United States and the European Union. Cumulative aid from China to Latin America from 2002 through 2007 was less than $25 billion, compared to $620 billion from the European Union and $340 billion from the United States over the same period. Thomas Lum, et al China's Foreign Aid Activities in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia. Congressional Research Service. Doc. No. 7-5700. R40361. www.crs.gov. February 25, 2009. Nonetheless, such figures overlook both the order-of-magnitude increase in Chinese aid to Latin America that occurred in 2008, as well as the disproportionate impact that Chinese aid has on the region because of the hopes of attracting even more such aid from the PRC as an emerging market and rising power.
2. China has sold Venezuela 18 K-8 aircraft, which are designated as trainers, but which can be given combat capability by outfitting them with missiles and other munitions. Venezuela is also exploring the purchase of a more advanced type of trainer from the PRC, the L-15.
3. Based on a series of interviews with Costa Rican government leaders in January 2008. See R Evan Ellis China in Latin America: The Whats and Wherefores. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1989.
(This article first appeared in The Jamestown Foundation. Used with permission.)
it is quite amazing when one thinks of the EONS required to spread and variate different cultures across the globe.
but beyond the Current state of history with the nations and states...before there ever WERE such concepts recognizable to us today ...
it bears remembering that the native south american ethicities were once descendants of people that first settled and created the nation of ..........CHINA.
for sure - it will centuries again to see what happens with interrelationships between countries, cultures, regions, peoples....
but there is some kind of "poetry" to the fact that even under the present conditions of "different nations and interests" -
the emerging relationship between two continents - south america and the big asian country - once called "the middle kingdom" in asia, from where the forbears of south americans and native indians came -
across teh pacific is now being formed.
quite fascinating, really. as a story of human civilization's spread - differentiations, evolution of competing or rivalling interests...and HOPEFULLY _- coming together to find COMMON , MUTUAL welfare. despite the present still contentious relations.
and this is where one can see....from a longer view of human history and civilizations, even conflicts that have been our fate so far --
how the USA empire is REALLY like a "johnny come lately" in the affairs of LONG history of human civilization..trying, attempting to be the "teacher of humanity" on how to BEHAVE....
and basically, in a very UGLY manner, falling flat on its face. ...for having chosen HUBRIS -- considering that it IS a "junior" - not even a "teenager" in the long history of civilizations...and has MUCh to learn on how to relate to other nations, ESPECIALLY because of potentials for conflicts.
if one takes the long view of history of civilizations --
the USA with its power is behaving like a teenager...
u know -- as a teenager FEELS his BODY growing strong..for the first time...he feels he can jump higher than ever. run faster, kick sand in someone's face for being too "skinny" or short or weak or fat or slow, or "younger"(compared to the us "democracy") ...
the teenager feels FLUSH with his power and youth and feels nothing can stop him....
until he finds out certain very old lessons long ago experienced by far older folks...who would only shake their heads knowingly...for they too, once had the same over-confidence...
that's basically how the USA behaves as the "power"...
it is a like a teenager in the long story of empires and conflicts , neighborhoods, and eventually
LEARNING how to live with others ....but of course -- being the Teenager with Bravado that it is , the USA has only one way to go and learn because of its own character as a teenager that is so FULL OF HIMSELF, like he is God's gift to the world....as others might have learned in their times ....
he will one day stub his toe against a rock that won't get crushed by his toe...and as he runs ...hits his head on a hanging branch..and finds out he is not so "agile" after all...and so on and so on...until he finds out growing up is not THAT easy
to become a nation - even a great one - that has had to learn how to live with OTHERS , rather than ORDER them around....