Alison Des Forges: A Heroine for Human Rights
A diminutive, seemingly frail
woman, barely five feet tall, she was nonetheless a giant in the field
of human rights. At age 66, when most women are contemplating a quiet
retirement with their grandchildren, she maintained a torrid pace that
the 20-somethings in the office found difficult to sustain. Alison Des
Forges, who led Human Rights Watch's work in Rwanda and the Great Lakes
region of Africa for nearly 20 years, was killed in the plane crash in
Buffalo on February 12.
The loss is huge--for the people of Rwanda, her family, and me personally. We worked closely together during our two shared decades at Human Rights Watch. To cite just one example, I will never forget my visit to Rwanda with her two years after the 1994 genocide, when the wounds were still raw and tensions high. Hearing of a new massacre in a remote part of the country, we dropped everything--typical for Alison--and drove there to investigate what had happened. We found a few survivors and interviewed them, but as we started to leave we bumped into the military patrol that had probably committed the massacre and was not eager for us to be snooping around. During a tense two-hour standoff on a hilltop in the middle of nowhere, Alison calmly and persistently negotiated our exit. Then, afraid that our captors would change their mind or ambush us en route, we drove as fast as we could on a two-hour ride back to the relative safety of the nearest town. The episode was vintage Alison--determined to get at the truth, deeply devoted to the Rwandan victims of atrocities, and seemingly oblivious to her own well being.
In the prelude to the genocide, I watched Alison struggle to warn the world of the rising ethnic tensions in Rwanda. When the killing broke out and hundreds of thousands of Tutsis and moderate Hutus were hacked, shot, and burned to death, Alison worked desperately--first to explain to the uninformed who the Tutsi and Hutu even were, then to convince the indifferent not to turn their backs on the slaughter. Alison saw that the raging slaughter was not the latest manifestation of "age-old hatreds" about which nothing could be done, as the defenders of indifference maintained, but the product of a deliberate scheme, embarked upon by a small group of ruthless leaders who could be identified, pressured, and stopped.
Later, her 800-page chronicle of the genocide, "Leave None to Tell the Story," based on four years of field research, demonstrated how carefully the genocidaires had tested the political waters before ratcheting up the killing. Worried about jeopardizing the international aid on which Rwanda depended, they at first allowed the genocide to unfold only gradually, checking to see how the international community would react. It barely did. The major powers, unwilling to risk another humanitarian intervention in Africa so shortly after the Somalia debacle of 1992-93, dithered. At the White House, Alison convinced then-National Security Advisor Anthony Lake to issue a statement, which she largely wrote, but sending the Marines was never in the cards. Lake blamed a lack of popular pressure, as if the responsibility to stop mass murder required no more than a glance at the latest polls.
When the killing finally stopped, not because of Western intervention but because the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front won the civil war, Alison devoted herself to bringing the authors of these atrocities to justice (although she was often just as passionate in her defense of the wrongly accused). To note that she testified some dozen times as an expert witness before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda is only to begin to acknowledge her role.
Prosecutors came and went, rarely willing to put in more than two years in distant Arusha or Kigali, but Alison was always there, patiently explaining to yet another green lawyer the complexities of how the genocide unfolded. Never formally on the prosecutorial staff, always simply offering her services as a member of the Human Rights Watch staff, Alison became, in essence, the tribunal's chief strategist--not just an expert witness on the stand but an indispensable guide behind the scenes.
Alison's commitment to principle was most apparent in her efforts to bring to justice not the genocidaires, who had few sympathizers, but the leadership of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, who had morphed into the current, internationally popular Rwandan government, led by President Paul Kagame. To a world wracked by guilt at having done nothing to stop the genocide, Kagame was a hero, the man whose brilliant military strategy had ousted the genocidaires. Bill Clinton, whose indifference to the genocide was the low point of his presidency, has often squired Kagame to be feted at various conferences and conclaves, as if to make amends. But Alison could not forget the 30,000 people murdered by Kagame's RPF during and in the immediate aftermath of the genocide. That toll is in no way equivalent to the estimated 800,000 genocide victims, as Kagame's apologists are quick to note, but it is no small number, either, and should not be ignored. To do so, Alison pointed out, looks like selective victor's justice, not a tribunal dedicated to the even-handed application of the law.
The very week of her death, Alison was corresponding with Hassan Jallow, the chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, about the importance of not ignoring the RPF crimes. The prosecutor had understandably held those crimes to the end, knowing that their pursuit would mark the end of the Rwandan government's cooperation with the tribunal. Now, however, with the tribunal's mandate nearing its end, Jallow still has not issued a single indictment for RPF crimes. I joined Alison in pressing him to pursue these cases, but whether he has the courage to take on the supposedly "new African leader" Kagame remains to be seen.
Alison's principled insistence on justice for all, on following the facts wherever they lead, on using her integrity and careful research to defend rights, made her countless friends in Rwanda but incurred the wrath of Kagame and his cohorts. In the last few months, as the public debate about prosecuting the RPF crimes was coming to a head, the Rwandan government twice denied Alison entrance to the country she loved. The move was a backhanded tribute to her effectiveness, and an implicit concession of how much Kagame has to hide.
For a woman who seemed to live on planes, it was sadly ironic that she died on one. She was heading home to see her husband Roger, whose patience with her peripatetic existence and support for her endless work should qualify him for sainthood. Alison was returning from Europe, where she had been pressing governments to respond to the latest crisis in Central Africa, this time in eastern Congo, where two separate conflicts are taking a renewed civilian toll. Alison was seeking a stronger UN peacekeeping presence, a force not simply asked to protect civilians but actually equipped to do so. Europe had the troops at hand--it had even set up two "battle groups" precisely for this purpose--but when it came time to deploy them, European leaders could find only excuses for inaction.
My inbox has been flooded with expressions of disbelief and despondency from Alison's admirers around the world. The human rights movement has lost one of its true heroes. But we are far stronger for the many years she spent among us and for the example she set for us all--of passion, persistence, honesty, and principle. She will always be a role model, for me and so many others around the world.
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2 Comments so far
Show AllThank you for this homage and clarification. Selfless, disinterested heroism is rarely to the taste of cranks and dogmatists... it would have been worse than sad to leave them to caw alone here!
There are, naturally, dissident views of this work & legacy. These critiques deserve serious & wider consideration.
Robin Philpot:
"Alison Des Forges has promoted herself as the expert of experts in all the major trials in Arusha as though she understands Rwandans better than they understand themselves. “Alison Des Forges behaves as if she is Rwanda’s honorary consul,” complained former Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu. “When I met her for the first time in 1992, even though she had done her thesis on Rwanda, it was obvious she knew very little about Rwanda.” Supporters of the “right and proper” make much of Ms Des Forges’ vast knowledge of Rwanda and of her selfless dedication. They conveniently forget to mention that she was employed by the United States State Department in 1990 and 1992 and that she maintained close relations with the US National Security Council and the Pentagon throughout the 1990s."
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Keith Harmon Snow, America's War in Central Africa: The Pentagon's proxy war in the Eastern Congo:
“She [Des Forges] concealed the fact that from 1990 the war caused an unprecedented economic poverty and that the one million internally displaced people tore the social fabric apart!” wrote Dr. Helmut Strizek, a former German official who has called for Alison Des Forges’ resignation from Human Rights Watch.[57] “And these people knew that Tutsi rebels [RPA] caused their misery. They did not wait for ‘instructions’ in order to revenge, once no one was able to maintain public order after the April 6 [1994] assassination [sic] and resumption of hostilities by the RPF.”[58]
At one Harvard University lecture on October 14, 1998, Alison Des Forges proposed a
hypothetical ‘decapitation’ scenario whereby military intervention by a team of elite operatives could have ‘stopped the genocide’. “The scenario calls for elite troops to enter Rwanda in the first 2 to 5 days of the genocide and kill or capture the 20 or so extremist leaders who were primarily responsible for mobilizing the genocide.”[59]
However, this is regime change, and it is in keeping with the new ‘humanitarian’ warfare paradigm, and it licenses special operations forces to commit human rights atrocities and acts of terror legitimized by one state (US) over its ‘enemies’."
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Keith Harmon Snow, writing in 2003, Depopulation As Policy - Or, How the despair and death of millions of African people is daily determined by the lifestyle of ordinary Americans, in small town USA, with nary a word of truth in the US press, if anything at all, and why most of us know nothing about it, and do nothing to stop it when we do know.:
"Philip Gourevitch is not alone in obfuscating genocide. Alison des Forges compiled the mammoth text Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda for Human Rights Watch. Some insist that Des Forges works with the U.S. intelligence apparatus (CIA, DIA, NSA), but I can say only that Human Rights Watch has become increasingly compromised,[v] that Des Forges exonerated the RPF, that she cleared the U.S. of war crimes. Like Gourevitch, Des Forges reported from the ranks of the RPF, where access to battlefields, massacres and information was tightly managed and, in keeping with the Jessica Lynch charade in Iraq, selectively manufactured. (Des Forges’ recent reports criticizing the Kagame government are not evidence of objectivity.) Amnesty International also bought the sanitized U.S. version."
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see also Snow's HOTEL RWANDA: Hollywood and the Holocaust in Central Africa