WASHINGTON - April 17 - The University of Michigan, New York University and several other
institutions in the U.S., Canada and Europe have recently severed
relationships with The Coca-Cola Company because Coca-Cola would not agree
to an independent third party investigation of allegations of human
rights, labor and environmental abuses by its bottlers in Colombia and
India.
On April 10, Coke informed Tim Slottow, Executive Vice President and
CFO of the University of Michigan, that independent investigations would
take place in Colombia and India. According to Coca-Cola, the United
Nations International Labor Organization (ILO) has agreed to do an
“investigation and evaluation” in Colombia and The Energy and Resources
Institute (TERI) was developing an “impartial independent third party
assessment of water resource management practices at Coca-Cola facilities
in India…”
The University of Michigan, apparently without even checking Coke’s
claims, immediately issued a statement that said it would resume purchases
of Coca-Cola products that was suspended in January. The decision was made
by Mr. Slottow without any consultation with students or the
University’s Dispute Review Board (DRB). “Mr. Slottow has done a real
disservice to students and the entire University of Michigan community, as
well as to workers and communities in Colombia and India,” said Ray
Rogers, director of the Campaign to Stop Killer Coke. “He and his advisors
have foolishly failed to check out Coke’s claims or the close
relationships that already exist between Coke and its so-called ‘third
party investigators’.”
ILO, Coca-Cola and Colombia
First, regarding the Colombia situation: In a letter to Mr. Slottow on
April 10, Coca-Cola North America President Donald Knauss wrote: “On March
2nd, the International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant,
Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers’ Associations (IUF) announced that it
requested the International Labor Organization (ILO) to investigate and
evaluate past and present labor relations and workers’ rights practices of
the Coca-Cola bottling operations in Colombia…”
Since the Campaign to Stop Killer Coke began in 2003, the IUF has
opposed efforts by students on behalf of SINALTRAINAL, the non-IUF union
representing most unionized Coke workers in Colombia, to ban Coke products
from their campuses and student unions. The only union in Colombia
affiliated with the IUF that represents Coke workers is SICO, a company
union with 40 to 50 Coke workers. SICO replaced SINALTRAINAL after
SINALTRAINAL’s union officer Isidro Gil was assassinated by paramilitaries
inside the Carepa Coca-Cola bottling plant and his local union was
crushed. (See “Why Does
the IUF Attack SINALTRAINAL?”)
In the April 10 letter, Mr. Knauss also wrote: “Questions concerning
the ILO investigation and evaluation should be directed to Ms. Sally
Paxton, Executive Director, Social Dialogue.” In an April 12 phone
conversation with Ray Rogers, Ms. Paxton contradicted at least two crucial
points in Mr. Knauss’s letter. First, she emphasized that the ILO would
only do an “assessment of current working conditions,” not of past labor
relations practices. Second, she insisted that the ILO was not
going to conduct “an investigation,” adding that there won’t even be
an assessment of the parent company Coca-Cola, only an “assessment” of the
enterprises in Colombia.
When asked who would fund the “assessment,” Ms. Paxton responded, “The
money will come from outside donors or the regular budget. That has not
yet been decided.” Ms. Paxton said that the model developed for Better
Factories Cambodia, a project of the ILO, would be used in the Colombia
“assessment.” According to the ILO website, “Better Factories Cambodia
aims to improve working conditions in Cambodia’s export garment factories.
It combines independent monitoring with finding solutions, through
suggestions to management, training, advice and information.” The ILO
website adds that the outside donors for the Cambodian project included
the Garment Manufacturers Association in Cambodia, whose council is
entirely composed of executives from the Cambodian garment industry. Does
this mean that the ILO will seek or accept funding from the American
Beverage Assn., whose board includes Donald Knauss himself and other Coke
executives?
The ILO has a tripartite structure, consisting of 28 representatives of
governments, 14 representatives of employers and 14 representatives of
labor. Labor observers and advocates who are familiar with the ILO say
that the organization is heavily skewed against workers, since most
government representatives align themselves with the employer
representatives. Imagine if this multinational body was simply a U.S.
body. What chance would workers have to advance any part of their agenda?
Because of the stranglehold over the Congress that corporate lobbyists
enjoy, U.S. labor can’t even get legislation enacted to protect workers’
basic rights.
Why is Coca-Cola so comfortable with Ms. Paxton overseeing this
so-called “investigation and evaluation”? “Ms. Paxton was a partner in
private practice at Fulbright and Jaworski, concentrating in civil
litigation at both the trial and appellate levels in a variety of
subjects, including labor and employment law,” according to her
biography on the ILO’s site. The Fulbright & Jaworski website states
that the firm “represents companies in lawsuits involving disputes
under collective bargaining agreements” and “defends employers
before the National Labor Relations Board” — not quite the resume of an
impartial juror or an unbiased administrator. The law firm has represented
ExxonMobil, Duke Energy, Merck & Co and other companies with
questionable records on matters involving ethics, exploitation and/or
environmental concerns.
Coke’s Edward Potter and the ILO
Edward E. Potter, Coca-Cola’s Director of Global Labor Relations and
Workplace Accountability, serves on the Applications of Conventions
Committee within the International Labor Organization. He is currently
the head spokesperson for the entire Employers’ Group, a powerful position
within the ILO structure to promote the interests of big business and thus
the interests of Coca-Cola. In addition, Potter leads the U.S.
employer delegation to the ILO’s annual conference that is coordinated
through the United States Council for International Business, which is on
the ILO’s governing body.
Over the past year, Potter has demanded that any evidence uncovered by
an investigation of Coca-Cola and its Colombian bottlers that indicated
Coke committed labor or human rights abuses could not be used in the
lawsuit filed by the International Labor Rights Fund (ILRF) and the United
Steelworkers on behalf of SINALTRAINAL, several of its members and the
survivors of Isidro Gil, one of its murdered officers. ILRF Executive
Director Terry Collingsworth responded to Mr. Potter’s demand in a
November 14 letter: “We cannot prejudice our clients by agreeing to bury
evidence that would support their claims,” he said.
During the process of seeking an independent investigation of Coke’s
practices, students asserted: “The investigation in Colombia must include
both CURRENT and PAST issues: issues relating to the present lawsuit MAY
NOT BE EXCLUDED from the investigation — as these are some of the most
egregious violations of our codes and also some of the most contentious
issues in this case. This includes issues such as the murders, torture and
kidnapping of union workers.” Mr. Potter insisted that there be no
investigation of past abuses.
The proposed ILO assessment of current conditions — not an
“investigation,” as explained by Sally Paxton — is exactly what Mr. Potter
and Coca-Cola have wanted all along: a blatantly biased evaluation that
will ignore past abuses and will not hold the company accountable in any
meaningful way.
Because of Coke’s partnerships and financial relationships with the
United Nations, as well as the above-mentioned conflicts of interest, no
arm of the UN can be considered an impartial, independent investigator or
evaluator of Coca-Cola’s labor relations and labor rights practices.
Coca-Cola’s scheme for worldwide growth specifically includes partnerships
with the United Nations. For example, the company touts its $1.5
million fund to support up to 100 projects over five years. The
projects involve education, the environment, culture/arts and sports, but
essentially serve as vehicles to promote the Coca-Cola brand name and its
beverages to young people, the primary target group for Coke’s marketing.
These projects include youth activities, such as the national youth day in
Turkey and a large music festival called Rock 'n Coke.
In another UN-related public relations scam, Coca-Cola announced in
mid-March that it had signed on to the UN Global Compact, which has been
described by its senior officer, Gavin Power, as “a voluntary initiative
to promote and advance a principles-based approach to corporate
responsibility.” Mr. Power added: “It is not a regulatory body nor
monitoring instrument… The Global Compact is not a club for ‘perfect
companies,’ if such organizations even exist. It is a platform for
companies to work on universal principles and related challenging issues
and improve their performance over time.”
“The Global Compact is another public relations vehicle for imperfect
companies,” said Ray Rogers. “Nothing is expected of them nor do they
expect to do anything to become perfect or even respectable.”
TERI, Coca-Cola and India
Regarding the situation in India, Coca-Cola North America President
Donald Knauss’s April 10 letter to the University of Michigan’s Mr.
Slottow stated: “We are in active dialogue with TERI, a highly respected
Delhi-based NGO with deep experience on sustainability issues to develop a
transparent and impartial independent third party assessment of water
resource management practices at Coca-Cola company facilities in India…”
One day later, Mr. Slottow wrote to Donald Knauss: “…(We) are
supportive of your work with The Energy and Resources Institute
(TERI), a highly respected nonprofit organization with more than 30
years of experience and leadership on sustainability issues, to develop a
transparent and independent third party assessment of water resource
management practice at Coca-Cola bottling plants in India…”
How could the University of Michigan be duped into believing that
TERI could develop an impartial independent third party assessment?
Consider the facts:
- Coca-Cola India Ltd. is listed by TERI on its website as a
corporate sponsor;
- TERI Governing Council member Deepak S. Parekh is on
the Advisory Board of Coca-Cola India;
- At least two current projects of TERI are sponsored by Coca-Cola
India Ltd.;
Furthermore, the Coca-Cola Co. is publishing misleading articles and
advertisements and making misleading presentations to college audiences,
claiming:
- “For the third consecutive year, we were presented the prestigious
Golden Peacock Environment Management Award for environmental practices.” (Director of Global Labor Relations and Workplace Accountability Edward E.
Potter, Business Today, Spring 2006)
Mr. Potter neglects to mention that the award is given by the Institute
of Directors and the World Environmental Foundation. Sanjiv Gupta,
President and CEO of Coca-Cola India sits on the Executive Council of the Institute of Directors. The World Environmental Foundation is
sponsored by Coca-Cola, as the group’s website makes clear.
- That the Coca-Cola India plant in Kaladrea won the “Innovative
Project Award” from the Confederation of Indian Industry for its
contribution towards reduction in specific water consumption.
Here Coca-Cola fails to disclose the fact that Tarun Das,
Director-General of the Confederation of Indian Industry, serves on the International
Advisory Council of The Coca-Cola Company.
-
That Coca-Cola India received recognition from the Indian Red Cross
for its environmental programs.
But we ask: Could that award have anything to do with the fact that Coca-Cola
pledged $10 million to international and local relief agencies, including
the International Red Cross, after the tsunami disaster?
“This latest attempt by Coca-Cola to mislead the media, campus
administrators and the public is just another example of how the company
announces deceptive initiatives just prior to its annual shareholders’
meetings,” said Rogers. “Last year, it was the Cal Safety Compliance
Corporation’s bogus report clearing Coke of wrongdoing in Colombia, a
report commissioned and paid for by Coke. The Los Angeles Times,
Business Week and other major media exposed Cal Safety’s lack of
credibility and the fact that it overlooked the most egregious violations
in several high-profile cases of human rights and labor abuses.”
A thorough investigation into Cal Safety's monitoring methodology by
Dr. Jill Esbenshade, author of "Monitoring Sweatshops," revealed that the
company consistently failed to adhere to minimum accepted standards for
competent factory investigations.
“This year’s attempt by Coca-Cola to mislead the public is equally
self-serving and deceptive,” Rogers concluded. “If Mr. Slottow’s decision
is allowed to stand, the University of Michigan’s reputation for high
ethical standards and careful consideration of moral and ethical questions
will have been compromised beyond any hope of repair.
Protest at The Coca-Cola Company’s
Annual Shareholders’ Meeting
This issue will be addressed at The Coca-Cola Company’s annual shareholders’ meeting on Wednesday morning, April 19. Students and others from the U.S. and Canada will converge at the Hotel DuPont for the meeting to express their support for SINALTRAINAL, the union that represents the majority of Colombia’s Coke workers, and communities in India, as well as their objections to Coke’s history of human rights, labor and environmental abuses worldwide.
Where: Hotel DuPont at 11th and Market Streets, Wilmington, Delaware
Directions to the Hotel DuPont
When:
Meet at 9 a.m.
Demonstration begins at 9:30 a.m.
Shareholders’ meeting begins at 10:30 a.m.
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