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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
APRIL 8, 2003
11:04 AM
CONTACT: Clean Air Trust 
Frank O'Donnell, 202-785-9625
The Bush Administration's Air Pollution Plan Would Shred Current Clean Air Act Protections, Says Clean Air Trust
 
WASHINGTON - April 8 - The Bush Administration's air pollution plan, euphemistically called the "Clear Skies Initiative," would shred current Clean Air Act protections, the nonprofit Clean Air Trust noted today. The Administration plan is supported by some of the nation's biggest polluters and environmental outlaws such as American Electric Power. And no wonder: the plan would eliminate numerous tools in current law designed to produce cleaner air and better public health. It would give special deals to big polluters. Environmental experts have noted that it would mean more pollution in the future than would faithful enforcement of current law.

A United States Senate subcommittee has scheduled its first hearing on the plan today. Although the Bush Administration has touted this as a bill that would only affect electric power plants, other smokestack industries would also be permitted to take advantage of huge new loopholes. The Clean Air Trust undertook this analysis to examine some of the key tools in existing law that would be eliminated or modified by the Administration plan.

Among other things, the bill:

-- Could postpone achievement of public health standards for nearly a quarter of a century. The Administration plan would automatically postpone deadlines for meeting public health standards for smog (ozone) and fine particle soot (PM 2.5) until 2015. (Existing law would require health standards to be met by 2009 or earlier.) It would also create a whole new category of "transitional" areas for 8-hour ozone or PM 2.5 if states claim they will meet the standards by 2015. But if a "transitional" area fails to meet the standards by 2016, the deadlines simply get postponed even farther into the future. (The bill says EPA must designate such an area as "nonattainment" in 2017, after which the state would have until 2020 to submit a cleanup plan. The actual cleanup wouldn't happen until well into the 2020s.) Because of the "banking and trading" provisions of the Administration proposal, its pollution targets might not be achieved until around the same time frame. As our colleagues at the Environmental Integrity Project have noted, the Administration's alleged "pollution caps" would not be met even by 2026!

-- Would exempt affected smokestack plants from new source review requirements, meaning that existing plants could legally increase their pollution. These plants would also avoid the current requirements to use the cleanest possible technology (the "lowest achievable emission rate") and to offset any increased pollution in areas with unhealthful air. In other words, they could cause more public health damage in areas that already have dirty air.

-- Lets other smokestack industries off the hook. The Administration would allow every major industrial source built or modified in "transitional" areas to make health problems worse by evading current requirements to offset new emissions and use the cleanest possible technology. In other words, the Administration would grant new loopholes to refineries, chemical plants, paper mills, cement plants and other smokestack factories. All would be allowed to belch out more pollution in areas that already have dirty air.

-- Would help the road-building lobby. The bill would also help the road-building highway lobby (cement, asphalt, etc.) by exempting "transitional" areas from requirements that transportation plans dovetail with state air quality plans.

-- Throws much-touted future emission reductions in doubt. The Administration plan would require EPA, in "consultation" with the Department of Energy, to conduct a cost-benefit analysis of the "second phase" of emission limits (slated for 2018). In 2009, EPA would report the findings separately for each pollutant to Congress, which could then change the emission limits. (This raises the very real prospect that EPA could declare that emission reductions for nitrogen oxides and mercury don't pass the cost test; certainly industry would make that argument as it has in the past. EPA and the Department of Energy would also examine the impact of controls on "fuel diversity" and "electric reliability" - buzzwords used by industry to block pollution controls.)

-- Would permit any industrial plant that emits sulfur dioxide or nitrogen oxides pollution "only through a stack or duct" to take advantage of all the bill's loopholes.

-- Would eliminate current mercury pollution standards for electric power plants. Under existing law, mercury pollution would be reduced by up to 90 percent -- by December 2007 under a prior legal consent agreement. These standards would be repealed under the Administration plan, which would delay any reduction in mercury until 2010. Even in 2018 - more than a decade later than the deadline under current law - mercury emissions could be higher than current law would require in 2007.

-- Would permit "hot spots" of toxic mercury. The Administration plan would permit electric power companies to "trade" emission "credits" for mercury - something that cannot be done under existing law. Indeed, existing law does not permit trading of any toxic air pollutant. Under the Administration plan, some plants could actually increase their mercury emissions.

-- Would eliminate "residual risk" requirements for mercury. Existing law says EPA must require additional mercury controls if the first phase of controls - which are technology-based - continues to leave people at risk. The Administration bill would kill this requirement.

-- Would delay toxic pollution (MACT) standards for other pollutants from electric power plants until after 2018. Under existing law, standards for other toxic pollutants are to be met by December 2007.

-- Would freeze the development of cleaner technology for electric power plants by stipulating that new plants need only meet a static "new source" standard rather than a "best available technology" standard that achieves greater emission reductions over time as technology evolves. Indeed, the Administration plan would ensure that new plants are built with obsolete technology.

-- Would eliminate current protections for national parks. Would eliminate the current requirement that requires cleanup of existing big sources of pollution that threaten national parks (The so-called "Best Available Retrofit Technology" or BART requirement). It would also eliminate requirements for new electric power plants that could harm national parks. Requirements would be maintained only for sources within 50 kilometers (30 miles) of a national park, even though sources hundreds of miles away can harm air quality in the parks.

-- Would weaken current requirements designed to keep clean-air areas clean. New or modified plants could pollute all the way up to public health standards. This, in effect, would repeal the "nondegredation" provisions of existing law that are designed to protect clean-air areas from air quality degredation.

-- Would gut interstate pollution protections (Section 126) by prohibiting any downwind state from bringing an action to force cleanup in upwind states' interstate cleanup before 2012; afterwards, the bill says EPA shall not require emission reductions in upwind states unless it determines that the reductions can happen at least as cost-effectively as control of other sources AND that the emission reductions would improve air quality in the downwind state at least as cost effectively as other cleanup measures. This is a fundamental attack on states' rights.

-- Would prohibit states from interfering with emission trading. States would not be permitted to enforce state laws that prohibit trading between in-state sources and sources in upwind states.

-- Would preempt states from adopting tougher new source review requirements by stipulating that they cannot take "credit" for tougher controls (than what would become non-existent federal requirements) in attainment or maintenance plans.

-- Could delay and weaken the Clinton Administration plan designed to reduce summertime emissions of smog-forming nitrogen oxides pollution from electric power plants in 21 states by 2004. (The Administration plan would permit companies to postpone meeting the 2004 requirement for a year. It would also permit pollution rates to increase starting in 2008.)

-- Would make it impossible to shut down a plant that violates the law - in order to "ensure reliability of the electric system."

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