Working out of the defense ministry in Bogota, a team of 14 retired U.S. military officers held seminars and delivered a thick binder purporting to be "the Colombian military forces' keystone war fighting document" and "the foundation for all commanders."

Colombia's Defense Minister, Luis Fernando Ramirez, gestures during an interview in Bogota, in this March 12, 2001, file photo. With years of guerrilla warfare under their belts, Colombia's generals might be excused if they didn't snap to attention when a pricey group of Pentagon contractors told them timely mail delivery might improve the war on drugs. Working out of the defense ministry in Bogota, a team of 14 retired U.S. military officers held seminars and delivered a thick binder purporting to be ``the Colombian military forces' keystone war fighting document'' and ``the foundation for all commanders.'' (AP Photo/Ricardo Mazalan, File)

Colombian defense officials have belittled the work, carried out for the Pentagon by Military Professional Resources Inc., of Alexandria, Va., at a cost of $4.3 million to U.S. taxpayers. One official said the advisers "reinvented the wheel."

Among the advice in the MPRI report, a copy of which was seen by The Associated Press:

– "Accurate and timely delivery of mail enhances the quality of life for the men and women in the field."

– "Apply appropriate military capability prudently."

– "Hit the enemy with a closed fist, not poke at him with fingers of an open hand."

Entitled "Colombian Counter-Drug Doctrine," the report also refers to drug traffickers and Colombia's unique challenge of battling guerrillas and paramilitaries who protect cocaine crops and jungle laboratories. It urges respect for human rights.

But is largely an overview of U.S. military doctrine, planning and tactics, including lessons gleaned by military historians from the Gulf War to Gettysburg to Hannibal's battles with the Romans.

Colombian officials have suggested the MPRI's contributions were of little practical use.

Defense Minister Luis Ramirez told Semana newsmagazine that no "empathy" developed between his staff and the U.S. team, adding that his generals were too busy fighting a war to attend many of the meetings called by the consultants.

In a subsequent e-mail, Ramirez was more diplomatic. While many of its suggestions were ignored, the report prompted "analysis and discussion," the minister told The Associated Press.

MPRI spokesman Ed Soyster, a retired U.S. general, said the Colombians should have been more receptive. "We are not miracle workers," Soyster said of the 800-employee firm, which has also worked in the Balkans. "It takes two to tango."

The MPRI team did not contain Spanish speakers, but included experts in personnel, logistics, operations and intelligence, Soyster added.

Questions about the contract come amid growing criticism in Washington of the use of U.S. private contractors in the war on drugs in South America.

Opponents say "outsourcing" – from consultancies to flying eradication missions over guerrilla-infested coca fields – has reduced public accountability just as U.S. involvement grows. The United States provided Colombia $1.3 billion in aid last year, mostly in combat helicopters and other military assistance.

Responding to charges that Washington is taking sides in Colombia's 37-year civil war, U.S. officials have promised that Colombian army battalions trained by Americans would be used exclusively on drug-fighting missions.

Nonetheless, the report blurs the lines between the drug war and the civil war: its operational guidelines would have all Colombian infantry units switching back and forth between counter-drug and counter-guerrilla operations.

Ana Maria Salazar, the former deputy assistant secretary of defense in the Pentagon counter-drug division that contracted MPRI, acknowledged the contract's "timing" was flawed. She said Colombia's military could not be expected to focus on broad reforms while consumed by the day-to-day guerrilla conflict.

MPRI's one-year contract expired in March and was not renewed. Current Pentagon officials stand by the consultants' work. A Pentagon spokesman, Lt. Col. George Rhynedance, said there was no "bad blood" behind the decision. "It was a business opportunity that had run its course," he said.

© Copyright 2001 The Associated Press

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